In hoc meo acerbissimo negotio et causa, postquam nuper nil apud episcopum Zagrabiensem4 poteram obtinuisse, profectus fueram Zagrabiam, ibi sollicitavi omnes dominos meos
de capitulo, ubi vidi rem desperatam, nemo erat, quem adirem, qui pro me domino supplicaret,
praeter magnificum dominum Balthasarem de Batthyan;5 veni igitur ad eum, et Vestram Dominationem etiam deprecor, patronus sit mihi apud
epi episcopum Zagrabiensem. Iuro nunquam me negaturum hanc pecuniam, si apud me fuisset,
quin potius adhuc in Italia cum ea studerem, siquidem voluntas episcopi Zagrabiensis
ea fuit. Si quid Dominatio Vestra in me concepit odii ex litteris illius boni viri,
illud deponat, nil in Vestram Dominationem commisi. Prodibit semel veritas, cognoscetur
adhuc etiam per episcopum Zagrabiensem, quis habeat et apud quem sint illi 300 aurei.6 Vestra Dominatio non me deserat in hac necessitate.
Venerabilis Domine, Patrone Unice atque Observande. Post servitutis meae commendationem.
Quod semper feci in litteris ad Vestram Dominationem missis hoc idem nunc quoque faciam.
Gratias videlicet agam Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi de eius erga me humanitate
ac beneficiis. Rogo autem eandem, ut semper hactenus, ita etiam imposterum commendatum
me dignetur apud reverendissimum dominum3 reddere meosque omnes protegere. Quod ego Vestrae Dominationi Reverendissimae, dum
vivam, reservire studebo. [...] et bene valere opto.
Ex Buda dominica proxima ante festum [...] Millesimo quingentesimo septimo
Stephanus Brodarich decretorum doctor, servitor Vestrae Dominationis
3Venerabili Domino Alberto praeposito maiori Zagrabiensi, Domino mihi observando
Reverendissime Domine, Patrone Colendissime.
Pro illa, qua semper Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem unice colui, observantia
nihil magis opto, nihil ferventiore desiderio cupio, quam Vestram Reverendissimam
Dominationem intelligere aut iam convaluisse, aut certe in dies melius se habere.2 Quod, ut ita contingat, Deum Optimum Maximum precor, ut Tuam Dominationem Reverendissimam
nobis cito incolumem cernere concedat.
Nova nulla habemus alia, nisi illa, quae iam puto per totum terrarum orbem divulgata:
illustrissimum, immo serenissimum dominum Lodovicum (quod faustum felix totique reipublicae
Christianae salutiferum sit) Dominica proxima post Ascensionem Domini,3 bonis avibus et melioribus auspiciis coronavimus. Ea ipsa coronatio, ut paucis multa
perstringam, sic acta fuit: dominus Patriarcha4 divina celebravit officia. Dominus Quinqueecclesiensis5 et Varadiensis6 astiterunt pontificalibus induti, et alii episcopi minores. Inter initia missae,
infans regius flens et vagiens et ob multitudinem territus primo inungitur, post ensem
strictum ac deinde pomum aureum et sceptrum regale accipit. Post evangelium vero,
antequam corona ei imponeretur, dominus palatinus7 ex more ter quaesivit a dominis et regnicolis alta, ut ab omnibus, qui in templo
aderant, exaudiri posset, voce, si vellent Lodovicum regem coronari. Qui quidem omnes
unanimi consensu, uno ore acclamarunt se velle. Inter quos populi et nobilitatis clamores
regia maiestas8 pro gaudio et laetitia adeo ubertim et large flevit, ut omnes ad lacrimas commoverit.
Post huiusmodi responsum a populo datum, corona Lodovico flenti et ob clamores turbae
eo magis territo imponitur, qui tandem coronatus in solium auratum, quod ad latus
patris dextrum erat, locatur. Te Deum laudamus organo, tubis et campanis, voce populi
concinitur. Tandem peraguntur divina, quibus finitis infans coronatus, palatino et
comite Scepusiensi9 coronam super caput eius gestantibus tota nobilitate, tota curia praeeunte, universo
populo hinc inde ad spectandum circumfuso, via panno rubro strata de consuetudine
ad templum Divi Petri,10 quod non longe distat, ducitur, patre et sorore11 subsequente. Ubi in quadam sede vetusta, quam Sancti Stephani fuisse referunt, collocatur.
Inde in reditu cum universis proceribus tam secularibus, quam ecclesiasticis, paucis,
qui cum patre remanserant, exceptis, in curru aurato, qui, ut Vestra Dominatio optime
novit, ei iampridem a domino Patriarcha datus fuerat, ad quoddam templum12 extra urbem ad unum milliare Italicum vectus est. Ubi ex consuetudine illo ense,
qui ei inter sacra et cerimonias, ut dixi, fuerat datus, in quattuor partes secuit,
et equo impositus est. Inde reversi, universi proceres lautissimo ac splendidissimo
convivio sunt in aula regia excepti. Post prandium diversi ludi et militaria ludicra
spectata.13
Haec volui Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi perscribere, ut, quando praesens haec
spectare non potuit, habeat, unde singula cognoscat, in quo si vel prolixior vel incultior,
quam decuisset, fui, det mihi veniam et prolixitatem quidem loquacitati, inelegantiam
vero et characterum sordes partim inscitiae, partim occupationibus ascribat. Institueram
ego tum ob celebritatem tantae rei, tum etiam ex commissione domini mei Quinqueecclesiensis14 orationem facere, sed ob infirmitatem regis et etiam quandam aliam ob causam, quae
litteris non est committenda, oratio locum non habuit. Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem
bene valere et cito ad nos incolumem redire cupio.
Ex Albaregali, postridie coronationis serenissimi domini Lodovici regis, anno Domini
1508.
Eiusdem Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae humillimus servitor Stephanus Brodarych,
decretorum doctor in cancellaria regiae maiestatis.
Reverendissime Domine, Patrone Colendissime.
Cum illas primas litteras3 iam conscripsissem, neque nuntius adesset, per quem mitti possent, libuit illa quoque,
quae post subsecuta sunt, in his perstringere, ut Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima,
quam scio alioquin haec omnia compertissima habere, ex litteris meis universam rei
gestae seriem cognosceret.4
Triduo post illam auspicatissimam coronationem interiecto regia maiestas Budam rediit,5 prius per dominum palatinum6 et comitem Scepusiensem7 corona in arcem Visegradi relata.8 Novus regulus ingrediens hac pompa et hoc honore exceptus, nam praelati et alii,
qui prius Budam venerant, omnes obviam regulo processerunt. Ordo introitus fuit: primo
equites levis armaturae vestri Agriensis et domini cardinalis Strigoniensis,9 post deinde armigeri. Subsecuti praeterea varii diversorum principum 6 exercituli equis, armis, vestibus, auro, argento, phaleris preciosissimis ornati.
Secuta post hos est omnis generis fratrum et scholarium ac presbiterorum processio.
Campanis interea undique per omnes turres sonantibus, bombardis in theatro arcis et
pixidibus innumeris emissis, tubis, tibiis et ceteris huiusmodi musicorum generibus
circumstrepentibus et universa civitate ad spectandum effusa. Post illam, quam dixi,
processionem ibant barones et iuniores et seniores. Deinde praelati omnes pedites.
Post hos portabatur velum auratum, sub quo puer regius, immo rex novus, laetus, hilaris
atque omnibus arridens in ulnis domini marchionis10 ferebatur. Domino patriarcha11 sollemniter habitu cardineo accincto sub eodem velo novum regem comitante, quasi
loco patris ibi constituto. Nam rex senior12 per aliam portam paucis admodum comitantibus, sine ulla pompa fuerat urbem ingressus,
ac recta in arcem profectus. Hic fuit introductionis ordo. Tandem infans fuit in aedem
Divae Virginis13 portatus et ibi Virgini et Filio eius devote ac sollemniter oblatus, postremo in
arcem ductus.
Vestram Dominationem rogo, ne sit ei molestum meas hasce ineptias legere. Si haberem
maius quidpiam ac dignius, illud Vestrae Dominationi offerrem. Quam bene valere et
cito ad nos incolumem reverti etiam atque etiam cupio.
Ex Buda feria sexta proxima post coronationem serenissimi regis Lodovici 1508.
Stephanus Brodary[ch] 14 servitor
7 Reverendo domino, domino Thadeo de Lardis gubernatori episcopatus Agriensis etc., domino honorando.
Prudentes et Circumspecti Domini et Amici mihi Honorandi.
[1.] Satis constat Vestris Dominationibus et maxime illis, qui ad dominum nostrum
reverendissimum1 per Vestras Dominationes mitti solent, me in omnibus, in quibus possum, et quae sunt
officii mei, libentissime servire eisdem. Id quod ego non propterea facio, quod propter
hoc aliquam remunerationem a Vestris Dominationibus exspectem, sed certe magis ex
cordis affectione, qua Vestris Dominationibus afficior.
[2.] Nihilominus tamen rogo Vestras Dominationes, ut non loco remunerationis sed loco
mutuae benivolentiae velint mihi ordinari facere unum currum pro quattuor equis, et
per mercatores huc Budam ad nundinas Sancti Nicolai2 venturos mittere. Id quod scio me apud Vestras Dominationes servitiis meis posse
praeter dominum nostrum gratiosissimum centies promereri. Easdem Vestras Dominationes
optime cupio valere.
Ex Buda in festo decollationis Beati Iohannis Baptistae Anno 1512.
Vestrarum Dominationum in omnibus Stephanus Brodarych decretorum doctor, secretarius
reverendissimi domini Quinqueecclesiensis etc.
9 Prudentibus et circumspectis dominis, iudici, iuratisque civibus ac aliis dominis,
civibus civitatis Cassoviensis, dominis et amicis honorandis.
Excellentissime Vir, Amice Observandissime. Salutem ac prosperitatem.
Iusseram cuidam librario Alemanno Iordano nomine3 Venetiis agenti sexto iam circiter abhinc anno tum videlicet, cum ego ex gymnasio
Patavino4 in patriam redirem, ut quaedam opuscula Ioannis illius Pannonii,5 pro quorum impressione et ego tunc et 11 herus meus6 praeterea apud te egerat, in manus Tuae Dominationis daret. Quod si factum ab illo
est, rogo Tuam Dominationem, velit libellos ipsos ad manus magnifici ac reverendi
domini oratoris7 regis nostri, qui tibi praesentes reddet, dare. Ne enim vir tantus perpetuo carie
obsitus lateat, decrevi opuscula eius omnino in lucem emitti curare. Idque auxilio
ac voluntate domini mei. In quo et ipsi domino meo et mihi rem gratissimam Tua Dominatio faciet. Quae optime valeat.
Ex Buda XVII. Kalendas Octobris MDXII.
bonus frater ac deditissimus Stephanus Brodarych decretorum doctor secretarius reverendissimi
domini Quinqueecclesiensis cancellarii regni Hungariae.
1217. Octobris 1512. Brodarych decretorum doctor, secretarius ex Buda. Clarissimo viro
domino Aldo Manucio Romano, impressorum summo, fratri et amico optimo.
Prudentes et Circumspecti Domini mihi Honorandi.
[1.] Praeposituram ecclesiae de Iazo vacare1 intelligo, iusque patronatus eius praepositurae Vestras Dominationes habere.2 Si igitur istic in medio sui Dominationes Vestrae nondum aliquam personam ad eam
praeposituram elegerunt, supplico Dominationibus Vestris, easque vehementissime rogo,
velint mei etiam ob respectum et meorum servitiorum praeposituram ipsam Petro litterato,3 nunc domini mei4 servitori, qui et vicinus Vestris Dominationibus est et moribus, scientia, aliisque
virtutibus satis decoratus, conferre. Sicut egregius etiam dominus Christophorus Darhoczy,5 cubicularius domini reverendissimi Dominationibus Vestris super hac re latius scripsit.6
[2.] Nos cum ipso domino Christoforo Darhoocz, si pro ea praepositura ipsi domino
Petro litterato obtinenda laborare et intercedere apud dominum nostrum reverendissimum
voluissemus, credimus nos habere tantum favoris apud suam dominationem reverendissimam,
ut praeposituram ipsam obtinere ipsi domino Petro potuissemus, sed cum, ut dixi, eius
praepositurae ius patronatus Vestrae Dominationes habeant, potius voluimus ad Vestras
Dominationes in favorem illius boni viri scribere. Quas {unacum} ipso domino Christoforo rogo, velint utriusque nostrum servitiorum intuitu praeposituram
ipsam ipsi domino Petro litterato conferre.
[3.] Velintque ipsae etiam Dominationes Vestrae in favorem et commendationem illius
boni viri scribere, quem de peritia litterarum, de bonis moribus et de omni probitatis
genere merito Dominationes Vestrae commendare possunt. Valere cupio Vestras Dominationes,
quibus me et servitia mea commendo.
Ex Quinqueecclesiis in festo beati Stephani regis anno 1515.
Stephanus Brodaryth decretorum doctor et secretarius reverendissimi domini Quinqueecclesiensis
15Prudentibus et circumspectis dominis, iudici iuratisque civibus civitatis Cassoviensis,
dominis honorandis.
Eximie ac Doctissime Vir, salutem et commendationem.
Etsi nulla mihi vel parva admodum cum Tua Dominatione intercessit familiaris necessitudo,
qua fretus liberius illi oneris quippiam audere[m] imponere, exoratus tamen precibus huius boni viri,3 quem vel ex eo bonum dixerim, quod litterarum sit cupidus, scribendum duxi ad Tuam
Dominationem hominemque illi non parvis mihi officiis devinctum singulariter commendandum,
existimans Tuam Dominationem non minorem huius petitionis meae habituram rationem,
quam si quis ex veteribus illius amicis ad se scriberet.
Est enim non minor quandoque in conciliandis, quam in retinendis ac sanctissime colendis
amicitiis voluptas. Si locum et exactius rem consideramus, verissimum est illud Martialis
nostri ‘omnes hi veteres novi fuerunt’.4 Quis enim nostrum iure dicere potest sibi ullum {veteri} amore vinctum, qui non idem ei olim novus fuerit. Quare non diffido Tuam quoque Dominationem,
quam ut omni in virtute, ita in amicitia quoque colenda plurimum voluptatis ponere,
nullum est dubium amico novo et visu forte tantum cognito aliquid {tribuituram}, quae si dignabitur mihi quoque vicissim quippiam iniungere, faciam, ut quicquid
viribus et ope mea confici poterit, id se amico diligentissimo mandasse intelligat,
cui me unice commendo. Quae et semper optime valeat.
Datum etc.
Commissio propria domini regis.
Ludovicus Dei gratia rex Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. Tibi fideli nostro venerabili
et egregio Stephano Brodarich de Ierosyn2 decretorum doctori, comiti capellae sancti Andreae apostoli3 et canonico Quinqueecclesiensi salutem et gratiae nostrae regiae assiduum incrementum.
Quemadmodum variae sunt et multiplices mortalium voluntates atque appetitus, ita videmus
varia ac multum inter se diversa esse studia, et diversas ad varias artes ab ipsis
paene incunabulis animorum applicationes, prout cuique vel natura, vel conditio, vel
animi libido suadet. Quo sit, ut alii protinus, ut in lucem sunt editi, agricolationi
animum intendant, alios mercium ex diverso orbe terra marique convehendarum studium
teneat, aliis in opificio quopiam et vel pingendi vel fingendi aut sculpendi arte
excellere pulchrum ac decorum videbatur, alii postremo alias vitae humanae necessarias
artes et studia sequantur. Qui vero nobiliorem a natura vim sortiti sunt, et reliquum
20 humani generis vulgum gloria et nominis amplitudine antecellere conantur, eorum
duo genera esse videmus, aut enim rem militarem sequuntur, aut ab ipso aetatis principio
bonarum artium studiis animum dedunt. Quae quidem duae res solae propemodum sunt,
quae mirabile dictu est, quantum et ornamenti et emolumenti humano generi asserant,
alterum enim, si bello quatimur, ex bello nobis victoriam, ac demum pacem parat, alterum
in pace quietos nos ac legibus et iure aequabili viventes continet. Itaque haud temere
ullum tam ferum, tam barbarum, tamque ab omni humano cultu alienum atque aborientem
populum reperias, ubi non his geminis artibus summus sit semper honor habitus. Verum
quod ad litteras attinet, quantum [...] splendoris et claritudinis, tantum etiam commodi
et emolumenti facile inesse apparet. Nam si quis [...] perpendiculum revocare voluerit
et aequa lance metiri, procul dubio reperiet nobis parum profuisse ratione et intellectu
a ceteris animantibus distinctos fuisset [...] divinationem vocamus, exculta atque
elimata fuisset. Quid enim inter nos et cetera animalia [...] adminiculo et nobis
et tam multiplices rerum cognitiones et Dei ipsius Optimi Maximi ac naturae omnium
parentis abstrusissima arcana [...] monumentiore eo iam [...] penetratum, quo vim
naturare, humanare, penetrare posse nemo unquam credidisset. Litterae igitur sunt
et [...] omnium nationum absolutissimam [...] cognitionem tribuunt, litterae denique,
quae [...] sempiternam, immensam, ineffabilem, incomprehensibilem [...] Quid igitur
[...] elegantius? Quid laudabilius, quam in ea re vel mediocriter excellere, quae
tantum rebus humanae omnibus antistiti et tantum divina humanaque omnia [...] Nosque,
qui de benignitate ad hoc tam amplum atque excelsum regni fastigium sumus evecti,
semper ab initio maximae curae habuimus, ut tam armorum quam litterarum studiosi praecipuis
[...] et pari quodammodo atque aequali existimatione ac dignitate haberentur.
Hac igitur de causa neque te praeterire libuit, quippe qui ab ipsis paene incunabulis
omnem aetatem in hoc honestissimum [...] prima adhuc pueritia ad omnium artium altricem
Italiam {missisti}, eam ibi per multos annos variis disciplinis operam impendisti, ut adhuc adolescens
et vir, dum pubertatem egressus4 non solum Graecis ac Latinis litteris non mediocriter eruditus habereris, sed etiam
iuris pontificii eam peritiam consequeris, ut te nobilissima orbis terrarum gymnasia
ea adhuc aetate eius disciplinae insignibus et ornamentis dignum iudicarunt.5 Porro inde egressus non socordiae neque ignaviae animum dedisti, sed ne bonum otium
inerti desidia [...] primum reverendissimi domini Thomae cardinalis Strigoniensis
ac patriarchae Constantinopolitani6 etc. aulam es secutus, succedente deinde tempore in obsequia reverendissimi in Christo
21 patris domini Georgii episcopi Quinqueecclesiensis,7 summi et secretarii cancellarii nostri, fidelis nostri, nobis sincere dilecti asciri
voluisti, apud quos et maxime apud ipsum dominum episcopum Quinqueecclesiensem, qua
fide, integritate, constantia, qua praeterea industria ac sollicitudine sis versatus,
quantum deinde nobisque et huic inclyto regno nostro per plures annos serviveris,
adeo in propatulo est, ut litterarum nostrarum praedicatione et testimonio non indigeat.
His igitur virtutibus et obsequiis tuis inducti imperpetuum nostrae erga te benevolentiae
incrementum ex speciali gratia nostra et de regiae nostrae potestatis plenitudine
tibi ac per te Mathiae, fratri tuo carnali, necnon Francisco et Alexio filiis eiusdem
Mathiae, et eorum haeredibus et posteritatibus universis ad arma familiae vestrae
avita, quae in scuto coelestini coloris hominem armatum ab hostibus insecutum in cymbam
transfretatoriam compulsum et in navicula ipsa concitatissimo cursu in aliam fluminis
ripam tendentem gestare conspiciebantur, hoc fecimus additamentum: corvum videlicet
de sublimi advolantem, coronam lauri semper virentis quasi capiti illius bellatoris
imponendam, rostro afferentem ad denotanda te familiae tuae, quae non temere, sed
ex eventu bellico et ex illo transfretandi casu priora illa insignia sortita fuerat,
hoc novum decus addidisse, ut illius sive navigationem, seu potius bellicam virtutem
eruditione tua et doctrina ornaveris. Quo enim alio {insignii} id significari atque exprimi aptius potuit, quam corvo laureum sertum gestante, cum
et corvus avis sit Phoebo dicata, et lauri ramis doctorum hominum ipsa cingi soleant.
Quae quidem arma sive nobilitatis insignia in capite seu principio praesentium litterarum
nostrarum suis appropriatis coloribus artificiosa manu depicta tibi ac praefatis fratri
nepotibusque tuis ipsorumque haeredibus et posteritatibus universis, animo deliberato
et ex certa nostrae maiestatis scientia dedimus, donavimus et contulimus, immo damus
ac concedimus et praesentibus elargimur, ut tu iidemque frater et nepotes tui praenominati,
ac haeredes et posteritates eorum universae praetacta arma seu nobilitatis indicia,
de more aliorum nobilium armis utentium, a modo imposterum, ubique in proeliis, {hastitudiis} 22, tor[nament]iis, duellis, bellis, omnibusque exercitiis nobilitaribus et militaribus, necnon sigillis,
velis, cortinis, anulis, et generaliter in quarumlibet rerum et expeditionum generibus,
sub merae et sincerae nobilitatis titulo ferre, gestare omnibusque et singulis privilegiis,
praerogativis, immunitatibus, gratiis, honoribus et libertatibus, quibus ceteri nobiles
armis utentes, quomodolibet de iure vel consuetudine utuntur et gaudent, uti, frui
et gaudere possitis et valeatis, de talismodique singularis et specialis gratiae nostrae
antidoto merito {excultetis}, et tanto ampliore studio ad honorem nostrae regiae maiestatis tua et eorundem de
cetero solidetur intentio, quanto vos largiore favore et gratiarum munere dotatos,
condecoratosque esse conspicitis.
In cuius rei memoriam, firmitatemque perpetuam praesentes litteras nostras secreto
sigillo nostro, quo ut rex Hungariae utimur, impendenti communitas nobis duximus concedendas.
Datum Budae, feria quarta proxima post Dominicam laetare, anno Domini millesimo 23 quingentesimo decimoseptimo, regnorum nostrorum Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. anno
primo. Iacobus Piso8 secretarius.
Sacra Regia Maiestas, Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post humillimam servitutis
meae commendationem.
[1.] XXVIII huius mensis Augusti venit Sanctissimus Dominus Noster2 ad sanctum Paulum monasterium non longe a moenibus Urbis distans. Sequenti die ingressus
Urbem, postea die Dominica3 fuit coronatus. Adhuc nihil potuit agi de negotiis Maiestatis Vestrae apud Suam Sanctitatem.
Credo nos cras aut perendie habituros audientiam publicam, id est consistorialem a
Sua Sanctitate. Quamvis iam in audientia 25 privata unacum reverendissimo domino cardinale Medices,4 deditissimo Vestrae Maiestati, satis multa cum Sua Sanctitate egerimus de mittendo
illo nuntio sive legato, quem Vestra Maiestas cupit mitti ad dietam Norembergensem,5 de quo etiam prius apud sacrum collegium egeramus.6 Sed cum statim subsecutus fuisset adventus pontificis, omnia ad pontificem reiecta
fuerunt. Pontifex dixit se quamprimum expediturum unum virum idoneum, de aliis agetur,
ut praemisi, in audientia consistoriali.7 Et in diligentia nostra nihil penitus deerit.
[2.] Habet ex munere divino Vestra Maiestas pontificem talem, quo melior et ad negotia
Vestrae Maiestatis propensior ne optari quidem posset a domino Deo. Credo et certissime
credo non Maiestatem Vestram solum, sed totam Christianitatem in huius re et nomine
sanctissimi viri bonitate, prudentia et sollertia conquieturam. Plura et de hoc et
de aliis in proximis litteris.8 Haec enim scripsi subitissime nuntio properante. Brevi faciam de rebus omnibus Vestram
Maiestatem certiorem. Dominus Marsupinus9 et ipse 26 ex Florentia, quo eum concessisse Vestra Maiestas non ignorat,10 rediit. Communi igitur opera et consilio omnia aguntur et agentur.
[3.] Expensas ego nullas penitus habeo. Deus immortalis scit, quod non solum vehementissime
angor, sed et supra modum admiror, quod Vestra Maiestas ita me sine expensa reliquerit.
Maiestas Vestra scribit11 et item reverendissimus dominus cancellarius12 ex voluntate Maiestatis Vestrae Fukaros13 mihi satis expensarum daturos, ab eis ne obolum quidem habere possum. Immo derideor
ab eis, qui orator Maiestatis Vestrae existens ab eis sumptus mendicem. Iam si Vestra
Maiestas ad tot meas supplicationes nihil mihi suppeditat, Deus scit, nescio quid
faciam, nisi forte, ut vendam omnia, quae mecum habeo, habitu mutato redeam cum uno
famulo ad Vestram Maiestatem incognitus cum extrema ignominia mea et damno non parvo
Vestrae Maiestatis. Videt enim Vestra Maiestas totam rerum suarum summam hinc pendere.
[4.] Nam quod Maiestas Vestra scribit mihi de legatione Gallica obeunda, ea, ut video,
esset valde necessaria. Immo credo nihil magis necessarium ad res Maiestatis Vestrae
et totius Christianitatis. Sed quomodo ego illuc irem, qui iam a tot mensibus ne hic
quidem unicum obolum a Vestra Maiestate habere possum.14
Me et mea servitia in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis recommendo, quam altissimus conservare
dignetur diutissime felicem et incolumem.
Ex Urbe 1. Septembris 1522.15
Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus Stephanus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis
27Sacrae Regiae Maiestati Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. domino meo gratiosissimo
Non pridem antequam litterae tuae nobis sunt redditae,4 accepimus oratorem nostrum episcopum Plocensem istic vita functum5 et affecti sumus magna molestia, quod hac eius inopina morte complures res et negotia
nostra sunt intricata. Quia vero et ipse defunctus et alii istic oratores nostri non
minus curare solebant negotia nepotis6 nostri, regis Hungariae, postulamus a te, ut cum inpraesens istic sit et nos oratorem
nostrum non habemus, non desit una cum collega suo7 apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum8 rebus et negotiis nostris, agatque apud illius Sanctitatem, ne quem alium ad episcopatum
Plocensem provehere velit praeter reverendissimum dominum Raphaelem, episcopum Premisliensem,
virum ecclesiae et reipublicae perquam idoneum et nobis 30 meritissimum, quem nos Suae Sanctitati praesentamus.9 Nam nos alium nequamquam admittere volumus neque possemus contra iura nostra et statuta
regni nostri, quae infringi regnicolae nostri nullo modo paterentur, orireturque inde
aliqua turba perniciosissima, quae nescimus quo pacto sedari posset. Referemus hanc
operam tibi et eius collegae uberrima gratia et favore nostro. Datum.
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae in gratiam
Vestrae Serenissimae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Dignata est Vestra Maiestas his diebus {superiore} dare ad me litteras,2 ut in facto ecclesiae Plocensis pro voto ac desiderio Maiestatis Vestrae apud Sanctissimum
Dominum Nostrum elaborarem, miserat etiam Maiestas Vestra binas alias litteras ad
Sanctitatem Domini Nostri, alteras gratulatorias,3 alteras de indulgentiis et officio collectorio.4 32 33 Ego non solum omnes has litteras Maiestatis Vestrae Sanctissimo Domino Nostro exhibui,
sed in his negotiis ex sententia Maiestatis Vestrae obtinendis, quantum in me fuit,
sedulam operam dedi. Quid facturus sit pontifex, et quale responsum ad petita Maiestatis
Vestrae dederit, superfluum est me pluribus verbis Maiestati Vestrae explicare, cum
ex eius litteris,5 quas cum domino Anthonio Fukaro,6 diligentissimo servitore Maiestatis Vestrae ad eandem mittimus, sit omnia plene cognitura.
[2.] Ego hoc unum etiam litteris meis Vestrae Maiestati notum esse volui, incredibilem
esse et admirandum Sanctissimi Domini Nostri in Vestram Maiestatem amorem et de illius
clarissimis virtutibus opinionem. Nullus est princeps in tota Christianitate, cui
non Vestram Maiestatem rebus omnibus, quae ad excellentissimum regem pertineant, quaeve
domi forisque sint magno principi necessariae, non quam longissime anteponat. Deum
testor, eo tempore, quo ei litteras Vestrae Maiestatis redderem et cum hae per secretarium
eius me audiente legerentur, eum in eam Vestrae Maiestatis laudum praedicationem prorupisse,
ut clara voce et quae ab omnibus, qui ibi tum aderant (aderant autem et ex cardinalibus
nonnulli et multi archiepiscopi, episcopi et diversorum principum oratores) exaudiretur,
diceret, solam Maiestatem Vestram esse, in cuius virtute post Deum sita esset labentis
rei Christianae fortuna, solam esse, in qua serenissimus Ludovicus, rex nepos,7 regni sui tuendi et Belgradi recuperandi8 spem ponere deberet, multaque in hanc sententiam magna cum laude Vestrae Maiestatis
dixit, praeter alias virtutes domesticas, summam eius in re militari peritiam, incredibilem
felicitatem miris laudibus extollens. Sed haec et eiusmodi non sunt iam in auribus
meis nova, qui nunquam possum ad eius Sanctitatem accedere, quin semper de Maiestate
Vestra honorificentissimam faciat mentionem.
[3.] Si quid id est, in quo Maiestati Vestrae inservire possum, id tam libenter ac
prompto animo faciam, ut certe nihil libentius, scio me eodem tempore, quo Maiestati
Vestrae servio, servire etiam gratiosissimo et serenissimo principi meo. Quod si non
esset, singularis tamen Vestrae Maiestatis virtus, magnanimitas, prudentia et generosi
34 atque excelsi animi omnibus numeris absoluta ac perfecta excellentia traheret me
ad omnem servitutem, quae a me praestari posset, illi libentissime impendendam. Me
et obsequia mea perpetua in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus commendo. Quam Deus
servet semper incolumem ac victoriosam.
Ex Urbe Calendis Ianuarii Anno 1523.
Quem etiam annum cum plurimis sequentibus cupio Vestrae Maiestati decurrere felicissimum
et multis victoriis insignem.
Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus
praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator
35Serenissimo principi et domino, domino Sigismundo Dei gratia regi Poloniae ac magno
duci Lithvaniae etc., domino semper mihi clementissimo
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Acceperam rursus litteras a Vestra Maiestate super negotio ecclesiae Plocensis,
in quo rursus apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum omni studio, fide et diligentia elaboravi.
Contigit autem reverendissimum etiam dominum cardinalem de Grassis,1 qui per hos superiores dies abfuerat, neque prioribus illis apud pontificem actionibus
atque intercessionibus interesse potuerat, praesenti negotio affuisse. Itaque cum
ipse prior (ut par erat) apud pontificem diligentissime pro hoc negotio egisset, responsumque
non valde a desiderio Vestrae Maiestatis alienum reportasset, ego suam praeterea reverendissimam
dominationem subsecutus et re omni rursus ex integro Sanctissimo Domino Nostro declarata
commemoratisque incommodis et incendiis, quae ex hoc 37 oriri possent, non potui tamen aliud et magis praesentaneum responsum a Sua Sanctitate
impetrare.
[2.] Responsum ipsum, quod uterque nostrum habuit, ex litteris reverendissimi domini
cardinalis Maiestas Vestra intelliget,2 contra quod ego non existimarem, Clementissime Domine, Maiestati Vestrae (quod cum
illius gratia dictum sit) iam amplius repugnandum. Nam aut difficillimum certe erit,
quantumcunque nitamur, aut prorsus impossibile pontificem ex hac sententia deduci.3 Et isti latius aliquanto interpretantur et extendunt Sedis Apostolicae iura, eorumque
sacerdotia, qui, quacunque de causa in Urbe manserint et vitam finierint, ad suas
provisiones spectare contendunt. Quod quidem iurene an iniuria faciant, viderint alii.4 Ego si quid vel in hoc adhuc, vel in quibuscunque aliis negotiis Vestrae Maiestati
servire possum, supplico humillime, dignetur mihi praecipere et iubere, cui nihil
gratius, nihil optatius erit, quam Vestrae Maiestatis iussa et imperia impigre capessere
et diligentissime obire. Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae
Maiestatis humillime commendo. Quam Deus conservet felicem et victoriosam.
Ex Urbe XV. Ianuarii 1523.
Eiusdem Maiestatis Vestrae servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus
praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator
38 Serenissimo principi et domino, domino Sigismundo Dei gratia Poloniae regi ac magno
duci Lithvaniae etc. domino semper mihi clementissimo
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae in gratiam
Vestrae Serenissimae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
Rursus non destiti urgere et sollicitare Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum iuxta commissionem
Vestrae Maiestatis in negotio ecclesiae Plocensis. Cuius animi sit Sua Sanctitas Vestra
Maiestas intelliget ex litteris sive brevi Suae Sanctitatis.
Scripsi alias de affectione Suae Sanctitatis erga Vestram Maiestatem et scripsi meram
veritatem, et scio, quod non solum in hoc sed in omnibus, quibus unquam poterit gratificari
Vestrae Maiestati, erit ad gratificandum paratissimus. Intelligit id, quod revera
ita est, magnam partem salutis Christianae reipublicae post Deum esse in manu Vestrae
Maiestatis. Ego et me et meam servitutem humillimam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis
commendo. Quam Deus conservet semper felicem et victoriosissimam.
Ex Urbe XXVI. Ianuarii 1523.
Eiusdem Vestrae Serenissimae Maiestatis humillimus servitor et capellanus Stephanus
Brodericus orator serenissimi domini regis Hungariae
Reverendissime Devote nobis Dilecte.
[1.] In negotio episcopatuum Plocensis et Premisliensis, quod ut istic curares, a
te 42 postulavimus, binas tuas litteras accepimus,2 quarum alteris refers te ad litteras pontificis, ex quibus nihil pro voto nostro
cognovimus, alteris item litteras reverendissimi domini cardinalis protectoris nostri,
quas non habuimus, allegas, unde in dies magis in ipso negotio incerti reddimur. Quae
res molestior est nobis, quam dici possit, nihilque nobis magis praeter spem accidere
potuit, quam cum nos et serenissimus dominus nepos noster unum simus, et illius maiestatis
negotia non secus istic Romae, quam nostra propria per oratores nostros {curabantur. Nunc} istud negotium nostrum talibus involucris et ambagibus tractari.
[2.] Et proinde postulamus a te, ut nobis tandem aperte scribas, quid agatur in ipso
negotio, nam non dubium est, quin summus pontifex, cum ita res succedit, parvi faciat
postulata nostra iustissima, aliudque facere in hoc ipso negotio, quam quod nos volumus
aut ferre possumus, contendat, de quo, quidquid id sit, vellemus quam primum certiores
fieri, ut rebus nostris opportuno modo prospiciamus. Nam qui[d]quid illius Sanctitas tam de episcopatibus, quam etiam sacerdotiis aliter disponere
voluerit, quam nos constituerimus, et illius Sanctitati declaravimus, nos id nullo
pacto admittemus, et licet Sanctitas Sua, ut scribis, de sua sententia, quam semel
concepit, non facile decedat, tamen et nos de iustitia et dignitate nostra nulli hactenus
gratia Dei cessimus, neque cessuros nos ipso Deo iuvante confidimus. Datum.
Reverendissime Domine, Domine et Amice Honorandissime.
[1.] Rediens huc ex Lithvania litteras Dominationis Vestrae a quodam, qui dudum istinc
44 45 ex Urbe venerat, accepi, ex quibus quam non oblita nostrae veteris consuetudinis,3 et qua me benevolentia complectatur, abunde cognovi. Quae quidem litterae loco magni
cuiuspiam muneris mihi exstiterunt. Fuit enim spectata semper virtus Vestrae Dominationis
et consuetudo iucundissima, quam cum per tot annos tantamque locorum intercapedinem
video non exstinctam, plurimum mihi gratulor, et Vestrae Dominationi, quas maiores
possum, gratias ago. Equidem nihil magis cupio, quam hunc illius erga me animum aliquibus
meis officiis demereri, meumque vicissim erga illam studium et observantiam testari.
Quod ut aliquando praestare possim, nihil operae meae, nihil occasionis praetermittam.
[2] Quod vero Vestra Dominatio eam mihi gratiam, qua me valere apud serenissimum dominum
meum intellexit, gratulatur, ago quidem illi immensas gratias, verum mallem, ut aliquando
quieti meae, cuius sum amantissimus, praesertim in tantis rerum publicarum turbis
ac discriminibus gratulari possit. Nescio autem, quo meo fato sit, ut quo magis me
in portum refero, hoc magis aestus me in altum repellit. Nam ipse clementissimus dominus
meus me non vulgaribus sacerdotiis auxisset, et ego iam mihi et litterulis meis vivere
destinassem, ecce me adeo non ambientem, ut ne cogitantem quidem haec unquam ad Premisliensem
pontificatum4 evexit, tanquam e sinu quodam, ubi lenior fluctuatio, ad pelagus fluctuosissimum.
Primum enim episcopatus ipse situs est in faucibus infidelium, ubi continuo casus
et ruina est metuenda. Deinde in quantis turbis versetur res ecclesiastica in his
regionibus, credo Vestram Dominationem non ignorare, in quibus nihil consultius videatur,
quam latere.
[3.] Porro intelligimus summum pontificem, quem sperabamus redempturum Israel, huic
incendio faces etiam addere,5 quo haud dubium est aliquod grave discrimen secuturum, et si Vestra Dominatio hic
adesset, et animum principis ac regnicolarum omnium exacerbatum videret, iudicaret
prorsus de ipsa re ecclesiastica hic actum. 46 Non desunt Bohemi et alii vicini, qui ignem succendant, nisi quod aegre adhuc per
pontifices nostros arcetur incendium. Ego me huic aleae admixtum vehementer doleo,
meque, si iuris mei essem, ex hac turba libentissime subducerem. Episcopatus Plocensis
iussus est in manus secularium tradi, electo regio locus in senatu episcopi Plocensis,
et mihi Premisliensis est assignatus imperio principis ac procerum omnium. Quid reliquum
futurum sit, ubi pontifex et vos istic ita rem, ut coepistis, tractaveritis, non libet
augurari.
[4.] Scribitur etiam nobis, quod de meis istic sacerdotiis nescio quid cudatur, sine
quibus ego nunquam episcopatum hunc recipiam,6 et proinde rogo et obsecro Vestram Dominationem, ut me quamprimum certiorem reddere
dignetur, quid monstri istic alatur, et in hoc saltem mihi opituletur, si in alio
non libet, ut in hac re, quomodocunque successerit, diutius non pendeam. De reliquis
viderint alii.
Commendo me Dominationi.
Cracoviae die 18. Februarii 1523.
Reverendissime sincere nobis Dilecte.
[1.] Nescimus, quid sibi velit, quod negotium episcopatus Plocensis et Premisliensis
tam diu istic haereat, idque absque ulla necessitate et commodo summi pontificis 48 49 50 cum maxima tamen perturbatione regni nostri et servorum ac consiliariorum nostrorum,
quos ad eos episcopatus designavimus impendio et iactura.2
[2.] Itaque postulamus a te ut huic nuntio nostro3 auxilium et consilium omne praebeas, quo negotium ipsum ex tricis istis evolvatur.
Nam ut prius tibi scripsimus, non patiemur ullo pacto, ut aliter id ipsum negotium,
quam designavimus, transigatur. Quando quidem intelligimus, quorsum haec involucra
et ambages tendere, ut nobis contumelia et difficultates in rebus nostris inferantur,
quibus si, ut debes, cum nos et serenissimus nepos noster unum sumus, afficeris, consulas
et adsis, ut tandem haec tragoedia finem capiat, ne quid deterius hinc emanet. Quam
operam tibi uberrima gratia nostra referemus.
Venerabilis Fidelis nobis Dilecte.
[1.] Redditum nobis paulo post tuas litteras3 est breve Apostolicum4 de summa quinquaginta milium ducatorum, quae nondum accepimus in huius afflicti regni
nostri defensionem a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro et ista Sede Apostolica decretorum,
designatum quoque legatum amplissimum patrem, Sancti Sixti cardinalem5 maiore ad nos propediem venturum praesidio intelleximus. Explicas autem non obscure,
quantum id praesidii futurum sit, videlicet unde conduci, atque aliquamdiu sit opus,
peditum decem milia possint, fatemur has copias viribus nostris nec levem, nec mediocrem
futuram accessionem. Si tamen hoc tempore pedites istos conductos et in locis opportunis
cum nostro peditatu atque equitatu dispositos haberemus, maiori essent nobis adiumento,
quam si paucis post mensibus viginti milia conducerentur.
[2.] Nam, ut rerum nostrarum statum cognoscas, vayvoda Radwl, quem nos anno superiore
Valachiae Transalpinae praefeceramus6 Turcis provinciam summa vi nuper occupantibus et novum vayvodam7 cum vexillo imperatoris inducentibus rursum cedere et in Transsilvaniam cum optimis
quibusque et nostrarum partium viris confugere est coactus. Cum igitur haec provincia
in hostium sit potestate, cogita, quantum Transsilvaniae ac Severino aut ne quid de
partibus loquamur, quantum universo regno nostro impendeat periculi. Adiungere enim
hostes sibi poterunt Valachiae utriusque populos et, si libitum fuerit, ipsos etiam
Tartaros in belli ac praedae societatem allicere. Quibus etiam si resistere possimus,
quomodo resistamus eodem tempore Turcarum caesari, quem constans fama est intra hos
dies paucos regnum nostrum a partibus illis inferioribus cum omnibus suis et terrestribus
et navalibus copiis invasurum. Habet iam ad vada Danubii non procul a Zenderonia8 validissimum et paratissimum cum ducibus peritissimis exercitum, navium ac tormentorum
bellicorum maximum numerum. Et, ut opinio est, quamprimum caesar, qui in dies exspectatur,
ad exercitum venerit, rem summis viribus per terras et flumina aggredietur. Quod si
forte contra nostram et omnium opinionem, caesar ipse mutato consilio hac aestate
regnum nostrum nollet invadere, illud tamen certum et indubitatum habere poteris tantos
paratos exercitus diu nequaquam fore otiosos, sed sub bonis et peritis ducibus, quales
illi dicuntur esse, facinus, quod maximum poterunt, tum in oppugnandis arcibus finitimis
tum in vastandis et diripiendis regnis nostris experientur.
[3.] Non putes Croatiam periculis vacuam fore. Designati sunt et expediti praefecti
duo, qui cum aliquot hominum milibus excidio illius quoque regni nostri deserti extremam
manum adiciant. Neque id patiemur te ignorare, quod his diebus ad multa finium nostrorum
incommoda et varias calamitates accessit: turris arcis nostrae Themesiensis editissima
omnium et firmissima icta fulmine accensa est. In qua cum essent cadi aliquot pulveris
tormentarii et sulfuris repositi, tanta vis exstitit incendii, ut non solum turris
illa ab unis fundamentis sit convulsa, verum etiam murorum magna pars repente corruerit.
Haec idcirco scribenda ad te curavimus, ut possis Sanctissimo Domino Nostro sacrorumque
patrum collegio latius explicare, quibus undique periculis simus circu[m]septi, et quantum istius Sedis Apostolicae atque adeo omnium principum Christianorum
ope et auxilio egeamus. Age gratias eius Sanctitati, verbis, quibus poteris maxime
appositis et accommodatis, quod tam pie ac liberaliter iuvare nos constituerit. Sed
illud Suam Sanctitatem etiam atque etiam admonere et obsecrare non desinas, ne aliquam
in mittendo illo subsidio pecuniario iam promisso et in legato expediendo moram velit
interponere. Sera enim praesidia parum aut nihil omnino afferre adiumenti poterunt.
Hostes autem, ut intelligis, imminent omnibus rebus parati et accincti.
[4.] Instabis praeterea diligentissime pro pace, concordia aut indutiis inter principes
Sanctitatis Suae auctoritate conciliandis. Nos enim, ut saepe sumus testati, his dissidentibus
exiguam admodum aut potius nullam publicae salutis et conservandae reipublicae Christianae
spem habemus. Noli existimare nos ita ab extrema spe et praesidiis pendere, ut domi,
quae praestare ipsi atque efficere possumus, negligamus. Verum scis, quid inter caesaris
potentiam tot annis tam feliciter auctam et nostras vires adeo debilitatas et fractas
intersit. Non unius regis aut populi videtur esse, ut tantum tyrannum, tot populorum
ac nationum dominum, non dicamus superare, sed si totus incumbat, finibus suis arcere
saltem et repellere possit.
[5.] Taxam decimarum scribis a reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus et officialibus
exigi, recte id et coeptum et institutum et ordinatum iudicamus, immo totis viribus
contendas, ne Sanctissimus Dominus Noster hanc taxam in alios usus, quam in huius
regni et Christianorum adversus Turcarum defensionem abire patiatur.
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Maiestatis Vestrae humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Iam tandem tot difficultatibus superatis in proximo consistorio expedita est
libere ecclesia Plocensis et simul etiam Premisliensis. Qua in re iuxta desiderium
Vestrae Maiestatis conficienda enituit profecto illa diligens et accurata opera reverendissimi
domini cardinalis protectoris,1 ut addi nihil potuerit. Ego etiam pro virili mea non defui, idem in posterum quoque
facturus in omnibus rebus, in quibus Vestrae Maiestati servire potero et illa servitiis
meis uti dignabitur. Quod ut facere velit, meque inter suos postremos servulos numerare,
eidem humillime supplico.
[2.] Nova hinc nescio, quae Vestrae Maiestati scribam. De pace sive induciis inter
principes Christianos adhuc superest aliqua particula spei. His diebus venit novus
orator a serenissimo rege Angliae, episcopus Bathonensis,2 vir insignis et non parvae auctoritatis. Quid de pace attulerit – eius enim rei gratia
venisse dicitur – nondum satis intelligere potui. Dicuntur et oratores Christianissimi
regis adventare. Utinam pro salute totius Christianitatis boni aliquid concludi posset!
[3.] De subsidio serenissimo nepoti Maiestatis Vestrae, domino meo gratiosissimo,
hic a Sede Apostolica subministrando, quae altera fuit pars meae legationis, multa
quidem saepius deliberata et decreta, sed nondum aliquid ad effectum deductum. Dies
et noctes laboro in pecuniis extricandis et legato, quoniam ita regiae etiam maiestati
placuit, expediendo, fortasse iam tandem post tot et tam varias dilationes brevi extrudetur.
[4.] Cardinalem Volteranum ob suspicionem Siciliae ad defectionem sollicitatae et
rerum novarum motus in custodiam atque adeo in arcem Sancti Angeli coniectum puto
Maiestatem Vestram iam pridem intellexisse. De eo adhuc nihil est aliud decretum.
55 Cardinales tres, quibus cognitio huius causae demandata fuerat, fere quotidie per
multas horas hanc rem in arce ventilant. Quid futurum sit, ignoro.3
[5.] Ceterum, Clementissime Princeps, oro supplex humillime Vestram Maiestatem, dignabitur
mihi ignoscere, si de rebus forte supra conditionem meam exsistentibus pauca ad Vestram
Maiestatem scribam. Non proficiscentur haec, nisi ex sincero et tam gloriae Maiestatis
Vestrae, quam salutis regni Hungariae cupido et studioso animo, neque accipiat haec
Maiestas Vestra perinde, quasi ego consulere aliquid audeam Vestrae Maiestati, alioquin
sapientissimo et omnia per se prudentissimo consideranti, sed volui proponere tantum
rem in conspectu Vestrae Maiestatis illius sapientissimo consilio et prudentia trutinandum.
[6.] Venerant his diebus certa nova ex aula serenissimi nepotis Maiestatis Vestrae,
domini mei gratiosissimi ad pontificem scripta Maiestatem Vestram suadere nepoti suo
serenissimo, ut cum videat se ab omnibus fere Christianis principibus destitutum,
cogitaret de aliquibus induciis cum hoste faciendis. Quae quidem res licet et pontificem
et reverendissimos dominos cardinales multum turbaverit, tamen in rei veritate, Serenissime
Princeps, ego nihil potuissem audire, quod me inter tot metus magis recreare potuisset
et quod existimassem ad praesentem rerum nostrarum statum esse magis accomodatum.
Video principes Christianos partim inter se digladiari, partim otio domestico torpere
et nihil penitus de re Christiana pensi habere. In Sede autem Apostolica, vel quod
sit mala Leonis pontificis4 administratione, quod multi queruntur, penitus exhausta, vel quod in excusationem
suam hoc utatur praetextu, parvam admodum spem nobis esse ponendam. Fui ego hic per
annum integrum et amplius dies et noctes sollicitando aliquod subsidium pro nepote
Maiestatis Vestrae, promissa sunt mihi maria et montes,5 declarati cardinales in Hungariam mittendi, multi menses in his consultationibus
et legatorum expeditionibus frustra consumpti, actum non solum per me et collegam
meum Franciscum Marsupinum,6 sed etiam per oratorem serenissimi principis Ferdinandi7 diligentissime atque acerrime toto isto tempore maximo labore et 56 diuturna ac nocturna sollicitudine ac discursatione non video, quid adhuc sim consecutus,
nisi nudas spes et promissiones, factum autem penitus nullum. In tanta igitur rerum
omnium desperatione ac principum Christianorum vel discordia vel negligentia, Sedis
etiam Apostolicae vel paupertate vel tarditate, quid posset per immortalem Deum Vestra
Maiestas melius suo serenissimo nepoti consulere, quam ut iam tandem tentatis omnibus,
quae tentari potuerunt, de salute regnorum suorum aliter cogitaret? Si tamen haec
consilia non essent iam nimium sera.
Vestra Maiestas non me temeritatis accuset. Existimavi officium meum esse ex his,
quae hic et in tota Christianitate agi video, Vestram Maiestatem, quae magis pater
quam patruus est serenissimi domini mei, quid sentirem, facere certiorem. Quod si
hac aestate salvi permanere possemus, existimarem, Clementissime Princeps, nihil esse
salutarius, quam ut Vestra Maiestas mitteret quamprimum oratores suos expeditos oratoribus
domini mei et serenissimi principis Ferdinandi iunctos, qui agerent apud omnes principes
primum de pace aut treuga, si ea aliquo modo impetrari posset, si vero id nullo pacto
effici posset, saltem pro subsidio competenti ab omnibus regibus et a Sede Apostolica
pro proximo vere Vestris Maiestatibus suppeditando. Dandi autem subsidii et a Sede
Apostolica et a ceteris principibus, maxime a rege Angliae8 et Portugaliae,9 duobus opulentissimis et pecuniosissimis principibus, multi essent modi, de quibus
nunc plura non scribam.
Quod si neque de pace sive induciis, neque de sufficienti subsidio spem aliquam superesse
Maiestates Vestrae viderent, veniendum esset omnino ad illum extremum, de quo superius
scripsi. Quod ubi per Maiestates Vestras tractari intelligeretur, fortasse isti, quibus
nunc tam submisse supplicamus, ultro nobis supplicatum venirent. Parcat mihi, rursus
oro supplex, Maiestas Vestra, quod de his rebus ad eam scribere audeo, et nepoti suo
carissimo, domino meo gratiosissimo ita consulat, ne inter tot spes pacis et exspectationis
subsidiorum regnum, quod Deus avertat, amittat. Me et meam servitutem humillimam Vestrae
Maiestati devotissime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et victoriosissimam conservet.
Ex Urbe X. Iunii. 1523.
Eiusdem Maiestatis Vestrae servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus
praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator
Reverende sincere nobis Dilecte.
[1.] Agimus et habemus gratias, quod negotium episcopatus Plocensis eo curaveris deducendum,
ut iam res citra ulteriorem difficultatem confici possit.2 Rescribimusque Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, uti suades, lenius, quamvis nescimus, quid
in tanta nostra molestia subditorumque nostrorum perturbatione scripserimus aequo
asperius,3 quandoquidem nimio plus patienter et mansuete, quam ab ipsis subditis nostris ac
aliis nobis consulebatur, negotium hoc tractavimus, utcunque est, quoniam iam illius
Sanctitas voluntati et iuribus suis satisfecit.
[2.] Postulamus a te, ut tandem finis fiat huic tragoediae, fiatque provisio tam de
episcopatu Plocensi, quam etiam Premisliensi, ita ut prius scripsimus, sine ulla pensione
ac onere et sine aliqua mora et difficultate. Similiter ut de canonicatu Cracoviensi
reverendi Raphaelis electi Plocensis servo nostro Opalenicio4 provideatur. Quod tibi {uberiori} gratia et favore regio curabimus inferre. Datum.
Reverendissime et Colendissime Domine. Post humilem commendationem.
[1.] Hodie sepelivimus dominum Ioannem archidiaconum Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae
penitentiarium.2 Eius archidiaconatus ne ad manus alienas perveniret, et ne inde successu temporis
maiora aliqua incommoda et molestias Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio habere possit,
ago nunc apud pontificem, ut Emericus de Kalna,3 bonus servitor unacum fratribus Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae 63 adipiscatur.4 Nam nisi hanc viam tenerem, nescio, cui conferretur, penitus extraneo et alieno,
ut fieri consuevit. Qua tamen in re nescio, quid adhuc sequetur. Supplico Dominationi
Vestrae Reverendissimae, dignetur ipsam personam eius habere commendatam. Scio fratres
eius ad unum omnes et ipsum quoque esse optimum servitorem Vestrae Reverendissimae
Dominationis. Sit contenta Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima, ut suis potius benefiat,
quam alienis. Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima scit bene, quid de talibus beneficiis
fieri sol[et] et quibus involucris talia soleant implicari.5
[2.] Nova nunc alia non sunt. Nam de confoederatione inter omnes pene totius Christianitatis
principes V. huius mensis sollemniter publicata, credo iam Vestram Dominationem audiisse.
Eam credo ego rebus nostris, si tandem expergisci voluerimus, fore procul dubio salutarem.
Haec raptissime.
Me rursus in gratiam Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae et hoc negotium humiliter
commendo.
Ex Urbe XVIII. Augusti 1523.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis servitor deditissimus Stephanus Brodarych
orator
64 Reverendissimo Domino Meo, Domino Fratri episcopo Transsilvanensi etc., Domino observandissimo
Reverende nobis sincere Dilecte.
[1.] Rediens istic ex Urbe doctor Lucas, quem in negotio episcopatus Plocensis miseramus,
narravit nobis, quantam curam et diligentiam adhibueris in ipso negotio ex ipsis labyrinthis
extricando. Qua re persuadeas tibi te nobis acceptissimum factum ac in eorum esse
numero, quibus libenter commodare vellemus, prout hoc per omnem occasionem non praetermittimus.
[2.] Ceterum quod haereat adhuc istic ipsum negotium propter auctam annatam est nobis
molestissimum, praesertim cum non ignoremus eas annatas fuisse primitus ad defensionem
contra infideles concessas, quam nos cum serenissimo domino nepote nostro soli assidue
sustinemus. Et proinde magis congrueret illas nobis contribui, quam eiusmodi auctionibus
nos et regna nostra expilari.
[3.] Postulamus a te, operam facere velis, quo litterae ipsius episcopatus Plocensis
expedire permittatur iuxta praedecessorum ipsius solutionem, nam nullo modo id ferre
possumus, ut maioribus oneribus graventur ecclesiae nostrae satis alioquin superque
gravatae. Faciet nobis rem gratissimam, quam tibi favore nostro regio curabimus referre.
Datum.
Serenissime Princeps, et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Nihil adhuc de pontifice est factum.1 A prima huius mensis sunt in conclavi reverendissimi domini cardinales. Fama est
eos exspectare exitum rerum Gallicarum in ducatu Mediolani.2 Sunt nonnulli, qui {credunt} creationem hanc per multos adhuc dies vel forte menses differendam. Quidquid erit,
Vestram Maiestatem curabo quamprimum facere certiorem.
[2.] Accepi his diebus litteras Vestrae Maiestatis de annata Plocensi.3 Ante creationem pontificis fieri nihil posse Vestra Maiestas videt, postea dabo omnem
operam. Utinam Vestra Maiestas cum ceteris principibus Christianis vel saltem cum
serenissimo nepote suo, domino meo gratiosissimo4 iniret aliquam rationem, ut ista, quae pro Christi religione defendenda instituta
fuere, illuc potius converterentur. Sed de his satis, scio enim veritatem scribere
quam sit periculosum. Sed nunc sede vacante plura quam alias licent.
[3.] Galli adhuc circa Mediolanum haerent, plura damna patientes quam inferentes.
Nuntiavit mihi nunc dominus orator Mediolani,5 accepisse se litteras ex Mediolano die 18. huius mensis, in quibus scribebatur eos
revocari, regem Galliae undique ab Hispanis, Anglis, Germanis coniuratione illa Barboniana6 vehementissime premi.
Me et meam servitutem in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus humillime commendo. Quam
Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet.
Ex Urbe XXII. Octobris 1523.
Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus
praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator
Reverendissime Domine, Domine mihi Colendissime.
[1.] Iam binas dedi litteras3 ad Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam de ea re, de qua dominum Emericum litteratum,4 servitorem suum ad me miserat, quibus, ut se res habuisset, abunde perscripsi. Nunc
autem et auctoritate reverendissimi domini cardinalis de Medices,5 protectoris regni Hungariae, qui se, antequam conclave6 ingrederetur, huic negotio [...]luerat, et mea maxima diligentia ac labore, ad hunc
finem tandem [...] ad quam me nunquam sperassem, deducturum. Conventio igitur inter
me [et] [ple]bani pridem mortui executores ita facta est, ut ipsi litem Dominationi Vestrae [Reverendissimae] amplius ne faciant sub poena dupli eius summae, quam Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam
solvere constitutum est, cuius rei obligationem manu sua scriptam is, cuius maxime
interest, executor mihi dedit. Rursum, ut Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima per totum
hoc tempus, usque ad finem Martii sexaginta florenos in auro huc mittat, non executoribus,
ipsi enim neque unum obulum sibi dari ex iis petunt, sed coenobio fratrum Hungarorum
de Caelio Monte, in quo ille sepultus est, ut sit elemosina pro anima eius.7 Quod si per illud tempus Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima pecuniam illam non miserit,
ut liceat illis rursus de integro contra Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam procedere
et litigare. Quapropter Dominatio 71 Vestra Reverendissima consideret, rogo, diligenter, quid agendum sit. Mihi profecto
hoc negotium eo modo confectum videtur, ut id neque commodius, neque melius confici
posse, aut potuisse unquam existimem. Reputet Dominatio Tua Reverendissima, si litem
de integro moverint (quemadmodum eos omnino moturos existimo, nisi pactum servetur),
quantae impensae sint faciendae, profecto vel ad unam missionem huc illos LX florenos
expendet Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima, ut omittam, si illi causam obtinuerint (ut
confidunt), quantum persolvere Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam necesse futurum
est. Ego certe (loquor enim ut deditus servitor Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae)
aequum esse et neque inutile existimarem, si Dominaio Vestra Reverendissima non solum
istam paucam pecuniam illis pauperibus fratribus mitteret, verum etiam si quid aliud
est rerum vel illius plebani, [..]us cuius ipse executor fuisse dicitur apud Dominationem
Vestram Reverendissimam, quod integra conscientia teneri non possit, eam quoque ad
usus pios, et bona opera impenderet. Exspectassem pontificis electionem,8 ut cum eo quoque agerem. Ceterum quoniam res ita nobis successit, ut neque pontifex
eam commodius expedire potuisset, non putabam mihi diutius exspectandum, ne impensis
inanibus per servitorem suum Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima gravaretur, praesertim
quod iam is sibi impensas deficere querebatur. Nam quod [Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima] litem extingui pontificis auctoritate sperabat contra voluntatem ex[ecutorum], mihi non modo difficile, verum etiam impossibile videtur, alioqui inius[tum] [...] De ducentis quoque florenis et nuper scripsi et nunc idem scribo. De illis
[...] dominus Ioannes archidiaconus piae memoriae testamento Dominationem Tuam Reverendissimam
[...] debere scripsit. Etiam si ego (qui minimus sum inter ceteros huius testamenti
executores) subticere vellem, tamen alii nullo modo tacebunt, neque cessabunt, quousque
illa summa reddatur. Proinde de illis quoque curam habeat Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima,
ut quamprimum mittantur, ne aliquod negotium gravius inde (quod nollem) Dominationi
Vestrae Reverendissimae oriatur.
[2.] Emericus litteratus servitor Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae, cum diutius
hic mansisset, quam eum Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima mansurum existimabat, adeo
omnia expenderat, ut ei ad iter nihil reliquum esset, quare, cum discedere vellet,
rogavit me, ut florenos sedecim mutuo darem, quos Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima
quamprimum remissura esset. Ego quidem ei dare non potui, quoniam ipse quoque non
parva angustia rei pecuniariae laboro, ceterum volens declarare me in omnibus, quibus
possum, servitorem Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae esse curavi, ut ab alio illos
sedecim florenos mutuo habere posset, atque ipse pro iis fideiussor factus sum ea
conditione, ut nisi Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima ad praestitutum terminum mitteret,
ipse mea pecunia solvere deberem. Idcirco rogo Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam,
ut hanc quoque pecuniam quamprimum remittat, ne ego, dum morem gerere Dominationi
Vestrae Reverendissimae curo, ipse in aliquod damnum rerum mearum incurram.
Sed et de hoc et de aliis omnibus latius Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae Emericus
servitor eiusdem narrabit, cui fidem Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima habere dignetur.
Opto eandem felicissime valere. Romae XVI. Novembris Anno MDXXIII.
[3.] Reverendissime et colendissime Domine. Haec propter occupationes manu aliena
mihi scribendae fuerunt, ignoscat igitur, quaeso, Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio.
De his autem curam geram, ne rursus novas habeat curas. Res uti Vestrae Dominationi
videt [...] deducta est ad bonum portum. Illum Ioannem [...]rum commendo rursus Vestrae
Dominationi Reverendissimae dignetur me face[re] [certiore]m, quidnam sit ei sperandum. De quo et per hunc ip[...] [...]um. Nova alia [non sunt]. Pontificem nondum habemus. Neque scio, quando habituri [simus].9 Galli adhuc sunt sub Mediolano. Rex Galliae Lugdini. Caesar in regno Navarrae in
Galliam veniens cum ingenti exercitu. Ego tot contentionum nullum spero finem.
[4.] Dominum Emericum Kalnay in facto archidiaconatus Thilegdiensis Vestrae Dominationi
Reverendissimae commendo.10 Ego quod feci magis feci, ut Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima liberaretur ab omni
molestia, quam ob dominum Kalnay, qui tamen et ipse meretur certe omne bonum, tum
ob mores probatissimos ac doctrinam non vulgarem, tum ob singularem fidem ac servitutem,
qua est Vestrae Dominationi Reverendissimae addictissimus. Eum igitur totum in suam
gratiam Vestra Dominatio Reverendissima recipere, obsecro, dignetur et me in eo, in
quo alias habuit numero, semper habere. Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima bene ac prudenter
fecit, quod miserit hunc ipsum servitorem suum. Nam si non venisset et praesertim
si istae vacationes iudiciorum non obstitissent, tales procul dubio processus in hac
causa facti fuissent, ut non actioni ulli, sed soli solutioni nobis locus fuisset
relictus. Nihil aliud restabat, quam ut sententia ferretur, sicut latius poterit haec
idem E[mericus] referre.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis perpetuus servitor et capellanus Stephanus
Brodarych orator 73 Reverendissimo Domino Meo, Domino Francisco de Varda, episcopo Transsylvano, Domino
observandissimo.
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] In negotiis Vestrae Maiestatis credo nos cum domino Stanislao nuntio1 eiusdem optatam relationem in omnibus habituros: Clemens VIIs pontifex2 enim propensissimus est in gratificando Vestrae Maiestatis rebus in omnibus. Qua
tamen de re brevi et diffusius et apertius scribam.
[2.] Nova alia non sunt. Galli nondum ex Italia excesserunt. Pontifex cum sua sponte,
tum mea etiam exhortatione et precibus permotus dat omnem operam pro pace vel saltem
treugis inter principes Christianos faciendis. Ad hanc rem in proximo consistorio
III ex reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus deputavit,3 qui hanc solam curam habeant. Quid sequatur, nescio. Ego, quod in me erit, nihil
praetermittam. Utinam iam tandem aliquid consequi possemus.
Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillime commendo.
Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet.
Ex Urbe XI. Decembris 1523.
Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus
praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Scripsi his diebus1 ad Vestram Maiestatem, neque nunc aliud scribere possum, quam quod tunc scripsi,
praeter quam quod in annata Plocensi tantam video difficultatem, ut parum aut nihil
spei apud me sit reliquum. Aiunt, et in hoc se fundant, ecclesiam illam ab initio
semper in duobus milibus ducatorum fuisse expeditam, et ita in libro etiam annatarum
(quem vocant) contineri: si Alexander papa2 vel alius pro bina vel trina expeditione propter aliquam causam minus accepit, id
annatae priori duorum milium non debere praeiudicare. Ab hac sententia, credo, deduci
vix poterunt. Feci ego de hoc et privatim et publice et apud pontificem et apud cardinales
omnem diligentiam, haec tamen magis tangunt collegium quam pontificem. Non defuit
et dominus Stanislaus,3 diligentissimus certe servitor Vestrae Maiestatis. Neque tamen adhuc desistemus,
sed parum, ut dixi, spero. Ecclesia Cracoviensis pro reverendissimo domino meo, domino
Posnaniensi4 in hesterno consistorio fuit expedita.
[2.] De pace inter principes Christianos facienda scripsi pontificem ad hanc rem adiecisse
animum, delegisse ad hoc certos ex reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus, cum quibus
ego fui iam saepe; video et pontificem et reverendissimos dominos ad id propensissimos.
Sed et illud video, Princeps Sapientissime, parum in hoc spei esse ponendum. Quid
ita? Quia Christianissimum regem ita durum atque obstinatum video in recuperando ac
nostros in retinendo vel non cedendo ducatu Mediolani, ut facilius utraque pars quidvis
subiret, quam in hoc alteri parti cederet. Quid igitur spei de pace in tanta animorum
obfirmatione? Aliae igitur, Clementissime Princeps, salutis viae Vestris Maiestatibus
quaerendae sunt. Sed parcat Vestra Maiestas, humillime supplico, minimo servorum suorum
ad se de huiusmodi rebus scribenti.
De rebus nostris Hungaricis, quae a rebus Vestrae Maiestatis disiunctae esse non possunt,
ac de subsidio istuc mittendo, si quod impetrari poterit, nihil adhuc actum.
Dominus Scardonensis5 his diebus in Urbem venit pericula utriusque regni et omnium regnorum Vestrarum Maiestatum
coram pontifice et patribus cumulatissime exposuit, Maiestatem Vestram non cessat
pro merito ubique laudare et extollere. Galli ex ducatu Mediolani nondum excesserunt.
Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillime commendo.
Quam Deus felicissimam et victoriosissimam conservet.
Ex Urbe XV. mensis Decembris 1523.
Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus
iuris doctor praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator
Ludovicus Dei gratia Rex Hungariae etc. Venerabilis Fidelis nobis Dilecte.
[1.] Semper nobis fuerunt suspecta callidissimorum hostium nostrorum consilia, qui
dum anno superiore universam Europam falsis complent rumoribus eorum imperatorem bellis
orientalibus distineri, parare in Persas expeditionem, de nostris atque aliis 80 81 Christianorum regnis non amplius hoc tempore cogitare, quam ut relictis praesidiis
necessariis ea tantum, quae ab illo sunt parta, in reditum suum defendi ac retineri
possent, et haec tanto ingenio et artificio fingebantur, ut eos quoque fallerent,
qui secretorum tyranni se non esse ignaros arbitrarentur, qua fraude et simulatione
nihil aliud agebatur, quam ut nos securos et imparatos possunt opprimere.
Habemus2 enim recens ex waywodis Moldavo3 et Transalpino,4 aliisque exploratoribus nuntium destinasse Turcas omni genere apparatuum instructissimos
proximo mense Martio regnum hoc nostrum Tartaris etiam in societatem belli adiunctis
invadere.
[2.] Quod ubi ex auctoribus certis serenissimus quoque frater noster, archidux Austriae5 cognovisset, misit et ipse ad Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum6 oratorem,7 {quod} pro avertendis periculis aperte imminentibus opportunum Sedis Apostolicae praesidium
imploraret. Tecum is ex mandato sui principis consilia communicabit, tecum una ad
Sanctitatem Domini Nostri et ad reverendissimos dominos cardinales accedet. Vide,
ne illi usquam desis, agitur commune utriusque nostrum negotium. Hostis instat, tempus
breve est. Vos ita provinciam vestram administretis, ut, quod ab ista Sede Apostolica
flagitamus, auxilium adsit in tempore.
[3.] Nam in his quinquaginta milibus ducatorum, quod reverendissimus dominus legatus8 habet in potestate, adversus hostem potentissimum leve admodum et per exiguum habebimus
praesidium. Mandet nihilominus Sanctitas Domini Nostri eidem domino legato, ut hanc
pecuniam, quoad maius auxilium miserit, aut in arcium nostrarum instaurationem, sicuti
antea petebamus, aut, si id secum fuerit, ad comparandas saltem copias iam tandem
erogare non dubitet.9 82
[4.] Misimus ad te litterarum vice wayvodae10 ad fidelem nostrum spectabilem et magnificum Ioannem comitem Scepusiensem wayvodam
nostrum Transsylvaniensem11 exempla, accipies insuper, quae ex legatione ad nos utriusque wayvodae sunt exceptae,
ex quibus fusius omnia, quae ad conatum caesaris cognoscendum pertinent, intelliges.12
Datum Posonii, feria tertia intra octavas Epiphaniarum Domini. Anno eiusdem millesimo
quingentesimo vigesimo quarto.
Ad oratorem regis Hungariae in Urbe Romana
Domine Theoderice.
Ego sum contentus, quod illa pecunia domini Ioannis penitenciarii2 Hungari, ducati videlicet centum quadraginta septem deponantur in Banco Altoviti3 iuxta voluntatem 84 domini Philippi de Senis4 et domini Vincencii Baldi5 decretorum doctoris, ad instantiam tamen omnium nostrorum.
Romae, XI. Februarii 1524.
Stephanus Brodericus orator Hungariae manu propria
85 Theoderico Vafro notario domino Auditoris Camerae, reverendissimo domino et amico
honorandissimo
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Ad humanissimas litteras2 Vestrae Serenitatis, quas modo accepi, non habeo quid aliud respondeam, nisi me esse
et fore perpetuo, dum vivam, addictissimum 87 servulum Vestrae Serenitatis. Illustris dominus meus, dominus comes de Corduba3 omnia alia ex ordine referre poterit. Exiguntur quidem istae decimae, sicut Vestra
Serenitas ab ipso intelliget, sed in his quoque parva est spes ponenda, si Deus pacem
aut indutias inter principes non posuerit, tota salutis communis ratio in hac una
re posita esse videtur.
[2.] Ex Croatia habemus ex litteris comitis Spalatiensis ad illustrissimum dominum
Venetorum4 V. Februarii datis Bassam sive Zanzacum Boznae iam p[r]aemisisse non parum peditum numerum ad obsidendum Clyzium5 subsecuturum ipsum quoque brevi cum valido equitatu. Habuerunt Veneti et ex Constantinopoli
litteras VIII. Ianuarii datas Turcum facere ingentes apparatus et terra et mari, aggressurum
omnino Hungariam primo quoque tempore. Sanctissimus Dominus Noster6 mittit ad succursum Clyzii commeatum, si intromitti poterit, et alia ad defensionem
necessaria. Sed vereor, ne tarde veniant.7 Cetera idem dominus comes. Me et meam servitutem rursus in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis
humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet.
Ex Urbe XXIX. Februarii 1524.
Eiusdem Vestrae Serenitatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus
praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis orator
Reverende Fidelis nobis Dilecte.
[1.] Scribis gratulationem nostram Sanctissimo Domino Nostro fuisse iucundam, quae
accidisset multo iucundior, nisi eodem tempore pervenisset O[s]throwyczae a Turcis captae fama in Urbem,2 quae tam ipsius Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, quam patrum animos magnopere commoverit,
cum intellexerit eam arcem omni iudicio secundas partes a Clissio3 obtinuisse. Iactura est, fatemur, gravis ac ceteris calamitatibus nostris merito
adnumeranda, quam tamen veremur, ne longe maiores, sicuti 90 91 Venetum oratorem Sanctitati eius narras praedixisse, propediem subsequantur. Id
tamen nulla profecto nostra vel incuria vel negligentia accedere poterit, sed quoniam
haec exigua unius Hungariae vectigalia tuendis amplissimis finibus sufficere nullatenus
poterunt. Non parvi reditus ex Bosnia proveniebant, magnum ex Croatia et Dalmatia
tributum quotannis in fiscum regium paulo ante hanc aetatem vel ipsius Matthiae regis
temporibus deferebatur. Integrae erant, et fructuosae Themesiensis, Sirmiensis, Posega,
Walko, et inferiores civitatum partes, hostium vero opes, numerus, potentia dimidio,
quam sint hodie, minores erant. At nunc ea, quae commemoravimus, loca assiduis Turcarum
incursionibus pene in solitudinem sunt redacta, adeo, ut tenues reliquias et paucas,
quae adhuc in illis regnis supersunt, arces, maxima parte redituum nostrorum tueri
nequeamus.
[2.] Nam, ne quid amplius de illis regnorum nostrorum finibus dicamus, ad Croatiam
pacatis etiam temporibus in banorum stipendium et tenenda locis necessariis praesidia
triginta duo milia florenorum singulis annis facile absumuntur. Jaycza, quae in mediis
hostibus sita est, et quo non, nisi iusto et firmo exercitu importari commeatus solent,
non multo minorem exhaurit pecuniam. Arx item Themesiensis et Severinum et hoc triennio
Varadinum Petri ac Titulium4 maximo et incredibili sumptu retinentur. Quae omnia, si quis rerum nostrarum non
iniquus aestimator diligentius velit considerare, agnoscet, non minima quidem nostra
negligentia Ozthrowyczam, et alias arces antea fuisse amissas, sed inopiam et vectigalium
nostrorum tenuitatem (de qua tam diu apud Sedem Apostolicam querimur) et superioribus
et impendentibus etiam malis causam attulisse.
[3.] Gratum est nobis mandasse Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum legato suo, qui apud Venetos
agit, ut de frumento in Croatiam misso, in quos abierit usus,5 percontetur. Nam nos quoque homini nostro fido ac diligenti dedimus provinciam loca
illa perlustrandi ac ad nos fideliter referendi, quomodo sit illud frumentum distributum.
Dabimusque operam, ne in hac quoque parte aliquid nostrae negligentiae possit imputari.
[4.] Quod autem iudicas propensam erga nos voluntatem Sanctissimi Domini Nostri multo
propensiorem futuram, si quae meliora hinc de statu regnorum nostrorum 92 afferentur, utinam nullum nisi felicem ac faustum ex his regnis nostris nuntium
deinceps Sua Sanctitas accipiat. Nos tamen rerum nostrarum conscii vehementer timemus,
ne tristiorem et minus iucundum in dies sit acceptura, nisi re ipsa, et non verborum
tantum liberalitate, cum eius Sanctitas, tum principes Christiani opem nobis ferre
maturaverint.
[5.] Reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Campegium6 in Germania legatum tanta virtute atque auctoritate praeditum venire, qui de rebus
quoque nostris agendi mandatum habeat, gaudemus non mediocriter, optamusque eiusdem
adventum utilem rei publicae Christianae ac salutarem fore, ut pariter illam tabem
et morbum pestilentissimum Lutheranae haeresis, qua laborat Germania, tollere ac sanare,
et illos principes ad arma in Turcos sumenda acrius et vehementius posset inflammare.
Dedimus, ut mones, nostris oratoribus7 mandatum, cum ipso domino legato et archiduce Ferdinando ceterisque principibus nostro
nomine de rebus necessariis consultandi atque etiam decernendi.
[6.] Vix aliquid molestius hoc tempore audire possemus, quam pertinax et acerrimum
adhuc bellum inter caesaream maiestatem et Christianissimum Gallorum regem durare
et ad Mediolanum geri. Missus est per serenissimum fratrem nostrum archiducem dominus
Andreas Burgo,8 vir prudens et ingeniosus multarumque rerum peritissimus, ut caesari suadeat concordiam,
per quem nos quoque agemus diligentissime, si quo modo ad pacem amplectendam posset
adduci.
[7.] Quod baro Siculus9 ad nos revertitur, libenter audimus, delectant enim nos eius viri humanitas, virtus
et eruditio non vulgaris. De Turcorum conatibus deque pactis cum Sophi indutiis nos
eadem intelleximus, quae tu ex Constantinopoli et Dalmatia in Urbem allata scribis
esse,10 id quod ex binis litteris nostris Posonii datis iam pridem [te] agnovisse arbitramur. Vide igitur, quid tu cum tuo collega11 et oratore principis Ferdinandi possitis impetrare subsidii, pro quo studiose et
enixe contendatis.
[8.] Quamvis autem opinione omnium inter Turcos et Sophi confectae existimentur indutiae,
si tamen Sanctissimo Domino Nostro videatur, nobis profecto non displicet, 93 ut Hannibal Cyprius12 legationem suam exsequatur. Proderit enim fortasse nunc vel inposterum, si ille princeps
de nostra voluntate fuerit factus certior. Poterit insuper omnia ad nos ex illis partibus
explorata reportare, quod magno usui nobis ac toti Christianitati est futurum.
[9.] Agas Sanctissimo Domino Nostro gratias, quod dominum Scardonensem13 cum pecuniis, pulvere et commeatu ad succurrendum arci Clissiensi miserit,14 supplicabisque eius Sanctitati, ne gravetur deinceps quoque illi praesertim loco
providere, nam quod nos potuimus praestare, praestitimus et praestabimus omnia vel
supra vires et facultates nostras.
[10.] Significas te propediem venturum ac coram tuas expositurum necessitates, quod
hoc tempore citra magnum rerum nostrarum incommodum fieri non poterit. Nolumus itaque,
ut ex Urbe antequam ab illa legatione absolutus et per nos revocatus fueris, revertaris.
Nam quod ad tuos, et tui collegae sumptus attinet, thesaurario nostro mandavimus,
ut mora omni posthabita per Fuccaros, quemadmodum Posonii nuper constitueramus, provideat.
Ludovicum Horreram,15 uti reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Sanctorum Quattuor Coronatorum16 optare significas, nos libenter et aequo animo dimisimus. Litteras vero in commendationem
penitentiarii et alias, quas optasti, una cum praesentibus accipies.17
Datum Budae 8. die Martii 1524.
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillimam commendationem.
Licet satis absurdum esse videatur ab eo Principe, cui quis nihil serviverit, quippiam
postulare. Summa tamen Vestrae Serenitatis clementia et singularis in omnes liberalitas
ac munificentia spem mihi dat Vestram Serenitatem preces etiam nihil a se merentis
servitoris non aspernaturam.
Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita
functum esse.2 Non dubito (ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit) nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum
mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a serenissimo et clementissimo domino meo, fratre3 Vestrae Serenitatis longe nunc absim,4 et absentes, quocunque obsequii genere fungantur, vulgato proverbio pro mortuis haberi
soleant, mihi ad Vestrae Serenitatis praesidium duxi refugiendum. Cui supplico humillime,
dignetur tam ad maiestatem regiam ac reginalem, dominos meos clementissimos, quam
etiam ad magnificum dominum oratorem suum et5 reverendissimum dominum 96 97 cancellarium6 Hungariae in mei commendationem suas litteras dare et efficere, ut mei quamvis absentis,
diligenter tamen eorum maiestatibus servientis ratio habeatur saltem in minoribus
beneficiis.7 Nam maiora, sicuti non mereor, ita neque petere ausim. Neque sum, Clementissime Princeps,
natura adeo ambitiosus, ut patrocinio Vestrae Serenitatis, quam scio omnia etiam summa
apud dominum meum clementissimum posse, aliud consequi optem, quam unde possim commodius
et honorificentius vestris maiestatibus servire. Scit enim maiestas vestra inopiam
ac sordes cum magnorum principum legatione non bene convenire. Itaque rursus supplico
Vestrae Serenitati, dignetur in hoc preces meas exaudire. Quicquid in me benignitate
Serenitatis Vestrae collatum fuerit, dabo operam, ut id in diligentissimum et gratissimum
servitorem Vestra Serenitas contulisse videatur.
Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillime commendo.
Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Ex Urbe III. Mai 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae
Serenitatis humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus serenissimi regis Hungariae orator
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Licet satis absurdum esse videatur ab eo principe, cui quis nihil serviverit,
quippiam postulare, summa tamen Vestrae Maiestatis clementia et singularis in omnes
99 liberalitas ac munificentia spem mihi dat Vestram Maiestatem preces etiam nihil a
se merentis servitoris non aspernaturam.
Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita
functum esse.2 Non dubito, ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit, nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum
mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a serenissimo et clementissimo domino meo, nepote3 Vestrae Maiestatis longe nunc absim4 et absentes quocunque obsequii genere fungantur, vulgato proverbio pro mortuis haberi
soleant, mihi ad Vestrae Maiestatis praesidium duxi refugiendum, cui supplico humillime,
dignetur tam ad maiestatem regiam ac reginalem, dominos meos clementissimos, quam
etiam ad reverendissimum dominum cancellarium5 Hungariae in mei commendationem suas litteras dare et efficere, ut mei quamvis absentis
diligenter tamen eorum maiestatibus servientis ratio habeatur saltem in minoribus
beneficiis. Nam maiora, sicuti non mereor, ita neque petere ausim. Neque sum, Clementissime
Princeps, natura adeo ambitiosus, ut patrocinio Vestrae Maiestatis, quam scio omnia
etiam summa apud dominum meum clementissimum posse, aliud consequi optem, quam unde
possim commodius et honorificentius Vestris Maiestatibus servire. Scit enim Maiestas
Vestra inopiam ac sordes cum magnorum principum legatione non bene convenire. Itaque
rursus supplico Vestrae Maiestati, dignetur in hoc preces meas exaudire. Quicquid
in me benignitate Maiestatis Vestrae fuerit collatum, dabo operam, ut id in diligentissimum
et gratissimum servitorem Vestra Maiestas contulisse videatur.
Me et meam servitutem perpetuam rursus in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillime commendo.
Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Ex Urbe 3. Maii 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae
Sacratissimae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus serenissimi
regis Hungariae orator
[2.] Nova non sunt alia. Gallos affirmant Novariae6 a Caesarianis obsideri, et ad exeundum ex Italia vehementer urgeri.
[3.] Novum Soltanum dicunt se contra Turcas diligenter munire. Credo Maiestatem 100 Vestram intellexisse de litteris Sophii,7 ad caesarem et serenissimum dominum8 meum, in quibus hortatur eos, ut principes Christianos in Turcam concitent, quarum
exemplum ad Vestram Maiestatem mittam.
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Supervenerunt repente nova satis adversa: Bassam illum praefectum Cayri, qui
a Turca defecerat, a suis esse obtruncatum.2 Quae nova venerunt ex Constantinopoli et habentur pro certissimis. Fui hodie, quae
est V. Maii, pro hoc cum Sanctissimo Domi 102 103 104 no Nostro, qui nova haec pro certissimis affirmat et veretur, ne totas suas vires
contra Hungariam Turca convertat. Adhibet Sua Sanctitas cum sua sponte, tum meo etiam
hortatu ea remedia, quae potest: sollicitat pacem inter principes. Misit super his
novis recentibus litteras ad omnes principes exhortans eos, ut velint in commune consulere
et regno Hungariae vel ei parti Christianitatis, si qua laborare coeperit, opem ferre.
Credo eum de hoc et ad Vestram Maiestatem scripturum.
[2.] Ex Lombardia habemus nova, quae et pontifex et omnes alii pro certissimis affirmant:
Gallos ex Italia iam discedere et in discessu huiusmodi per nostros unam partem eorum
male mulcatam;3 interfectos esse usque ad mille Gallos, interfectum quendam capitaneum,
unum ex principalioribus,4 vulneratum etiam supremum capitaneum,5 quem Almiralium vocant. Est aliqua spes pacis, fortasse enim iam Gallus facilius
flectetur. Sed credo ego, quod semper credidi, maiestatem domini mei serenissimi et
gratiosissimi multum in hoc posse, modo Sua Maiestas ad eum mitteret, quod nunc potissimum
rebus eius ad hunc statum deductis quamprimum faciendum videretur.
[3.] Supplicavi in aliis meis6 Vestrae Maiestati, ut in favorem mei serenissimo et gratiosissimo domino meo scribere
dignaretur, ne in servitiis suae maiestatis existens inter mortuos in istis sacerdotiorum
mutationibus computarer. Idem nunc supplico humillime. Scio unicam Vestrae Maiestatis
voluntatis significationem incredibiliter rebus meis profuturam. Ego pro huiuscemodi
Vestrae Maiestatis in me gratia non habeo, quid aliud Vestrae Maiestati offeram, nisi
perpetuam meam et in dominum meum clementissimum et in Vestram Maiestatem Sacratissimam
fidelitatem et servitutem. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet.
Rome VII. Maii. 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus
humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis orator
Beatissime Pater ac Domine, Domine mihi semper Clementissime. Post oscula pedum Sanctitatis
Vestrae beatorum et meae perpetuae servitutis in gratiam eiusdem humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Miserat me his diebus1 serenissimus dominus meus, rex Hungariae huc ad reverendissimum dominum cardinalem
Campeium2 Vestrae Sanctitatis legatum, tum officii ac visitationis gratia, tum ut eum de rebus
omnibus, quae tam in Hungaria quam in Bohemia agerentur, faceret certiorem. Cum igitur
nihil penitus sit, quod cum eius reverendissima dominatione non liberrime ac sinceriter
communicaverim, Vestra Sanctitas omnia, quae a me scribi deberent, ex litteris eiusdem
intelliget. De quo ipso id vere scribere possum, Pater Beatissime ac Domine Clementissime,
eum cum tanta omnium istorum principum ac nationum satisfactione ac tanto amore versari,
ut nihil addi possit. De quo et hodie serenissimus princeps multa mecum est locutus,
ut revera credam et aperte videam eius hic praesentiam his regnis esse admodum salutarem.
Undique enim, Beatissime Pater, mirum in modum obruimur, et nisi praesentia reve rendissimi
domini legati, et istorum trium principum3 summa in Sedis Apostolicae ac religionis Christianae auctoritate tuenda constantia
adesset, longe in maiora mala decidissemus. 107
[2.] Reverendissimum etiam dominum cancellarium4 Hungariae (sine omni assentatione loquor) habet Vestra Sanctitas, ultra quam dici
ac credi potest, in his rebus sedulum ac diligentem. Me minimum Vestrae Sanctitatis
servulum tanto habet Vestra Sanctitas minus utilem, minorisque momenti, quanto me
minorem istic mea Romana absentia esse voluit. Sum tamen is, qui cum vidua illa et
ipse in gazophylacium minuta quanquam aera proicio,5 et cum omni mentis sinceritate Vestrae Sanctitati ac Sanctae Sedi Apostolicae pro
mea exilitate servio.
[3.] Dominus baro6 ita a nostris omnibus amatur, ut eum non in illa Sicilia, quae pars Italiae esse
censetur, sed in hac, quae pars Hungariae est, quam et ipsam eodem nomine appellamus,
natum esse reputemus et pro vero ac puro Hungaro habeamus. Qui ita, ut mei mihi retulerunt,
causam meam iussu Vestrae Sanctitatis egit me absente, ut vel hoc ipso, si nihil unquam
benignitatis Vestra Sanctitas antea in me contulisset, fatear me ei perpetuo obligatissimum
non aliter, quam si omnia, quae petebantur, fuissent impetrata.7 Me ac meam servitutem ad pedum pulveres Vestrae Sanctitatis humillime commendo, quam
Deus felicissimam esse velit. Viennae XXI. Augusti 1524.
[4.] Serenissimus princeps Ferdinandus mirabilem devotionem et affectum ostendit in
Vestram Sanctitatem et in Sanctam Sedem. Qua de re multa mecum est hodie locutus asserens
se eam religionem, in qua natus ipse sit, in qua maiores sui mortui sint, non solum
constantissime servare, verum et cum omni etiam vitae discrimine tueri perpetuo velle.
Eiusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis
108Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Papae, Domino mihi semper Clementissimo
Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis meae humilem commendationem.
[1.] Accepi litteras Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis VII. Octobris datas.1 Negotium unionis Bohemicae,2 qua diligentia actum sit et agatur, Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio ex litteris domini
baronis3 assidue cognoscit. Quo etiam sit nunc in statu? Spem habemus non parvam. Diligentia
reverendissimi domini mei cancellarii4 tanta est, ut maior esse non possit. Ego quoque annitor, quantum possum. De domino
barone nihil dico. Nullis enim verbis consequi possem hominis in rebus omnibus et
in hac maxime curanda extremam atque incredibilem diligentiam.
[2.] Negotia etiam nostra, quem in modum se habeant, Dominatio Vestra Reveren dissima
non ignorat. Ego nescio quid scribere, praesertim cum scribere veritatem aut etiam
dicere sit periculosum. Isti etiam principes vestri immortalibus odiis inter se et
armis nunquam intermorituris concertantes adiuvant multum hostem ad nos opprimendos.
Quid rebus sic stantibus in ver futurum sit, futurum de nobis, Deus novit. Ego magnitudinem
periculorum considerans nihil boni possum sperare. Nisi Deus et Beata Virgo Sanctissimum
Dominum Nostrum5 adiuverit ad pacem faciendam. 111
[3.] Ego videor iam esse in procinctu. Non satis tamen certus adhuc, quando sim iter
ingressurus.6 Nuntiavi aliqua per Ioannem Marsupini7 fratris mei, quem his diebus dimisi. Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima, supplico, dignabitur
in illis me habere commendatum. Quam cupio felicissimam esse atque incolumem.
Buda, IIII. Novembris 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis humilis servulus
Stephanus Brodericus decretorum doctor
[4.] Negotium domini Quinqueecclesiensis,8 supplico humillime, iam tandem expediatur. Misimus his diebus novas litteras praesentationis.
Illae aliae miror certe, quo devenerint. Si bene memini, dederam eas Vestrae Reverendissimae
Dominationi, vel si apud me remanserant, sunt vel apud Egidium Zephirum9 sollicitatorem meum vel inter reculas meas istic relictas. Quibus tamen ubicunque
sint, iam non est opus istis aliis nuper missis.
112Reverendissimo domino meo, domino Ioanni cardinali de Salviatis Regni Hungariae protectori
etc., domino mihi semper observandissimo.
Beatissime Pater, ac Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae
ad pulveres pedum Vestrae Sanctitatis beatorum humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Causas tam diuturnae meae morae Vestra Sanctitas a me ipso brevi accipiet. Non
enim credo me iam diutius moraturum. Nunc etiam iam eram in procinctu ad Vestram Sanctitatem
eundi,1 cum rursus alia morae causa incidit: vocatio videlicet reverendissimi domini cardinalis
Campei2 ad hanc maiestatem domini mei serenissimi. Hoc enim visum est convenientius et honori
Sanctae Sedis ac Vestrae Sanctitatis accomodatius, quam eum post repentinum praesertim
serenissimi principis Ferdinandi illinc abitum Viennae desidere. Qua in re perficienda
adiuti sumus egregie opera reverendissimi domini Strigoniensis3 ad omnia mandata Vestrae Sanctitatis implenda et ad omnia, quae ad splendorem ac
decus Vestrae Sanctitatis pertinere videntur, facienda proclivissimi.
[2.] Ubi cum reverendissimo domino legato praesente etiam domino Strigoniense fuero,
statim ad Vestram Sanctitatem advolabo et plura ac certiora de rebus omnibus referam.4 Ne vero nunc longioribus litteris sim Vestrae Sanctitati taedio, referet nonnulla
Vestrae Sanctitati nomine meo dominus Emericus archidiaconus,5 frater meus. Illud tamen unum neque ego possum tacere. Me licet ab initio fuerim
Vestrae Sanctitati ita addictus, ut addi nihil posse videretur, nunc tamen ob diligentissimas
intercessiones immo contentiones quoque acerrimas domini baronis pro mea promotione
nomine Vestrae Sanctitatis factas, factum esse longe addictiorem et obstrictum vinc115 tumque esse perpetuis vinculis in perpetuam Sanctitatis Vestrae et inclytae eius
domus servitutem.6 Non minus certe, quam si omnia amplissima eius intercessione fuissem consecutus.
Cetera, ut praemisi, dicet Vestrae Sanctitati dominus archidiaconus. Quem supplex
oro dignetur benigne audire.
Me ac meam perpetuam servitutem in gratiam Vestrae Sanctitatis rursus supplex commendo.
Quam Deus felicissimam et sospitem conservet.
Budae, 22. Novembris 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis humillimus servulus Stephanus
Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis. 116Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Clementi papae VIImo, Domino mihi semper clementissimo
Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] De pecuniis meis, supplico, Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio iubeat dari ei, cui
dominus Ioannes Antonius baro nuntius Apostolicus commisit, vel qui eas nomine ipsius
petierit, ducatos in auro Hungaricales centum et decem.
[2.] Alia nunc non sunt. Exspectamus reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Campeium2 ad diem Nativitatis huc venturum. Ego post festa credo me iter ingressurum. 118 Dolebo maiorem in modum, si Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam ab Urbe contingat
abesse. Minuet tamen meum dolorem Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae necessitas et obsequium,
quod Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem abesse cogit. Utinam post tot et tanta dissidia
principum pacem videamus.3 Qua nem[o] [m]agis indiget, quam nos. Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem cupio optime valere.
Ex Buda IIII. Decembris 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis humilis
servitor Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis 119Reverendissimo domino meo colendissimo, domino cardinali Salviati, legato Galliae
Cisalpinae etc.
Sacra Regia Maiestas et Domine, Domine Gratiosissime.
Supplicatur Maiestati Vestrae in personis fidelium eiusdem egregiorum Stephani et
{Francisti} de Rewa2 in eo humillime, quatenus dignetur Maiestas Vestra illi fassioni et perpetuae venditioni,
quam nobilis Ambrosius Rwchy de Bodogazzonzakaya super totali portione sua possessionaria
in eadem possessione Bodogazzonzakaya habita 121 coram personali praesentia Maiestatis Vestrae fecisset gratum praebere consensum
et nihilominus totum et omne ius regium, si quid Maiestas Vestra in eadem portione
haberet, pro fidelibus servitiis ipsorum supplicantium eisdem conferre gratiose.
Concessit Regia Maiestas feria sexta proxima post festum Conceptionis 1524. Stephanus
Brodaryth doctor secretarius
Sacra Regia Maiestas, Domine Gratiosissime.
Supplicatur Maiestati Vestrae in personis fidelium eiusdem egregiorum Stephani Theryek
de Zenthersebeth3 et Francisci de Rewa4 secretarii palatinalis in eo, uti dignetur Maiestas Vestra ex innata sua clementia
illas duas partes iudiciarias oneris et gravaminis sententiae, in quo nobilis Franciscus
Bothka de Zantho per omissionem iuramenti sui in praesenti termino celebrationis idiciorum
contra nobilem dominam Margaretham, relictam quondam Francisci similiter Bothka de
dicta Zantho coram personali praesentia Maiestatis Vestrae convictus exstitit et aggravatus,
dictis supplicantibus pro fidelibus servitiis eorundem conferre gratiose.
Concessit Maiestas Regia in profesto cathedrae Sancti Petri Apostoli 1525. Stephanus
Brodericus secretarius
Reverende sincere nobis Dilecte.
[1.] Retulit nobis reverendus Ioannes Statilius, praepositus Eursiensis2 et serenissimi domini Ludovici Hungariae et Bohemiae regis nepotis nostri carissimi
apud nos orator te iterum Romae oratorem agere, quae res sint nobis acceptissima,
experti enim sumus tuam erga nos fidem et propensionem, experti diligentiam et curam
in obeundis negotiis nostris, quae istic Romae eveniebant. Proindeque et commendavimus
iam saepe ipsi serenissimo domino nepoti nostro virtutem et merita tua et commendare
in dies magis non desistemus.
[2.] Postulamus vero a te impense, ut tibi curae istic sint, ut solebant, nostra subditorumque
et procerum nostrorum negotia, quae incident, nobisque ea, quae nova emergent, scribere
per omnem occasionem non gravare, ut et tua erga nos merita et nostrum vicissim in
te favorem reddas in dies cumulatiorem. Datum.
Excerpta ex litteris oratoris
Ut Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima sit particeps novitatum, quae hic contingunt, volui
ei significare serenissimum Poloniae regem inivisse perpetuam pacem et concordiam
cum illustrissimo principe Alberto alias magistro Prussiae, nunc vero duce Prussiae
ea lege, ut ipse princeps Albertus habeat terram Prussiae illam, quam habuit hucusque,
in feudum a regibus Poloniae ipse et heredes masculi eius et quattuor fratrum suorum,
quibus deficientibus ipsum feudum recidat in regem Poloniae restitutis hinc inde occupatis
tempore belli praeteriti.2 Et sic feria secunda praeterita3 ipse princeps Albertus praestitit iuramentum uti domino suo naturali serenissimo
regi Poloniae sedenti in diademate in throno ad id constructo in foro Cracoviensi.
Cui in signum subiectionis rex dedit nova insignia, vexillum scilicet ex serico album
cum aquila nigra habente torquem auream in collo, ex qua pendet littera S, et sic
nos fuimus in triumpho.
Datum Cracoviae feria quarta post Palmas.
[1.] Intelleximus fratres Sancti Francisci de observantia id agere, ut loca conventualium
in regno nostro et Bohemiae sibi a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro impetrarent, quasi haec
sit voluntas nostra, ut ea illi potius haberent.
[2.] Postulamus a te, obstes, quominus id perficere valeant. Tantum enim abest, ut
haec voluntas nostra sit, ut etiam nobis non posset esse non molestum quidquam prae
ter veterem eorum ordinem in regno nostro constitutionem renovari, et praesertim nunc
invalescente in dies magis circumquaque perniciosissima haeresi, ad quam retundendam
magno nobis ex usu sunt ipsi fratres conventuales, praesertim venerabilis Marcus a
Turri2 commissarius et provincialis regni nostri, qui et monasteria hic sua in debitum redegit
ordinem et religioni sua doctrina suaque sanctimonia plurimum conducit. Proindeque
nobis et regnicolis nostris est multo gratissimus, qui si amoveri hinc deberet, magno
omnino praesidio res haec ecclesiastica privaretur. Quare illum ac eius ordinem tam
in regno nostro, quam etiam Bohemia consistentem patrocinio tuo etiam atque etiam
commendamus.
Sacratissima Regia Maiestas, Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitiorum meorum
in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Accepi aliquot litteras Vestrae Maiestatis his diebus, in quibus Vestra Maiestas
scribit mihi de nonnullis suis negotiis, quae mihi perinde curae erunt, ut negotia
serenissimi et gratiosissimi domini mei, carissimi nepotis Vestrae Maiestatis. Neque
ulla ratione magis poterit Vestra Maiestas suam in me gratiam ostendere, quam si servitute
mea quantulacunque uti fuerit dignata. Quod ut facere velit, eidem supplico humillime.
[2.] Nescio autem quibus verbis Vestrae Maiestati gratias agam, vel quibus obsequiis
promereri apud eam possim eam gratiam, quam superioribus mensibus in commendando me,
suo minimo servulo sacratissimae maiestati nepotis sui carissimi declaravit. Hoc unum
semper et palam profitebor, et re ipsa ac servitute mea sincerissima ostendere conabor
Vestram Maiestatem, quod in me conferet, in gratum ac fidelissimum servitorem collaturam,
et quicquid mihi accessionis contigerit, id soli Vestrae Maiestati libens debebo.3
[3.] Verum ut ad ea redeam, de quibus Vestra Maiestas scribit, ea partim sunt expedita,
sicut mihi dominus Joannes Rudniczki rettulit, partim cras, unacum reverendissimo
domino cardinale Sanctorum Quattuor,4 sicut Vestra Maiestas iubet (de praelatorum huc missione loquor) Sanctissimo Domino
Nostro referentur. De cuius voluntate faciam Vestram Maiestatem ilico certiorem.
[4.] Pontifex in facto pacis inter caesarem et Christianissimum regem faciendae vehementissime
laborat, delegit eius rei gratia reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Salviati, nepotem
suum ad ceasarem mittendum.5 Cum quo consultissimum iudicaret me quoque, qui huius potissimum rei gratia a maiestate
domini mei gratiosissimi missus sum, illuc proficisci. De qua pontificis voluntate
scripsi ad Maiestatem Regiam. 134 135
[5.] Si posset confici ista pax, sicut sumus in non parva spe, propter illas causas,
quas ad reverendissimum dominum Premisliensem,6 cum quo mihi notae occultiores7 sunt, perscripsi, si, inquam, confici posset, essemus securi de salute Christianae
Reipublicae, praesertim ob eum animum, quem certe magnum et excellentem in rege Christianissimo
esse animadverti superioribus diebus, dum apud eum essem,8 de quo ad Vestram Maiestatem proxime scripsi.9 Sin minus, ego, quantumcunque cogitem, Sapientissime Rex, non video ullam aliam salutis
nostrae rationem,10 quam illam, de qua scio me aliquando ad Vestram Maiestatem scripsisse, et quam utinam
ante perditum Belgradum ac dirutum Severinum11 secuti fuissemus. Sed vetera sero querimur. Clementissime Princeps, unusquisque curat
sua propria negotia, et nemo nostra, et alii Christiani sang uine Christiano inexplebiles
sub tegmine alarum Vestrarum Maiestatum Sacratissimarum requiescunt. Sed de his satis,
praesertim cum non sit sine periculo scribere veritatem.
[7.] De tumultu Germanico12 mira scribuntur, sed illa scio Vestrae Maiestati quam nobis esse notiora. Affirmatur
ex omnibus partibus Turcam pro hoc anno nos magna vi non agressurum. Sed hoc etiam,
si verum esset, parum consolationis nobis praebere deberet, nisi quod per has moras
exitium nostrum longius proferri ac prorogari videtur.
[8.] De rebus Barensis13 scio Vestram Maiestatem a suis fieri certiorem. Si mihi ad caesarem eundum fuerit,
et si quid me ibi Vestra Maiestas sibi in hoc servire voluerit, 136 faciat me certiorem. Litterae Vestrae Maiestatis etiam si interim discederem per
collegam meum, dominum Franciscum Marsupinum, qui hic erit, vel etiam per reverendissimum
dominum cardinalem Sanctorum Quattuor fideliter ad me mittentur.
Me et servitia mea in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus humillime commendo. Romae
17. Maii 1525. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis minimus servulus Stephanus
Brodericus orator 137Sacratissimae regiae maiestati Poloniae, magno duci Lithvaniae, Rwssiae, Prussiae
etc. domino ac heredi, domino meo clementissimo.
Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis commendationem.
[1.] In isto primo meo in Urbem adventu1 fui adeo occupatus, ut nihil potuerim in hanc horam ad Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem
scribere. Etsi alioquin non erat magnopere, quod scriberem. Nihil enim ex Hungaria
a toto illo tempore habemus.
[2.] Ex Polonia autem illud tantum, quod puto Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem
intellexisse serenissimum Poloniae regem2 cum magistro Prussiae3 perpetuam inivisse pacem illis conditionibus,4 quas ex scheda5 praesentibus inclusa intelliget, 139 quae scheda descripta est ex litteris oratoris6 serenissimi regis mei, qui pro hac re ad Poloniam missus fuerat.
[3.] Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi cupio legationem, quae ei est demandata,
esse faustam felicemque et pacis publicae, pro qua vadit, impetratricem, cum ingenti
Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae gloria. Puto Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem
intellexisse mentem Sanctissimi Domini Nostri7 de persona mea cum Vestra Reverendissima Dominatione mittenda.8 Quamvis iter sit et longum et laboriosum praesertim hoc anni tempore, tamen non poterit
esse nisi iucundum cum Vestra Dominatione Reverendissima. Exspecto litteras a serenissimo
rege.9
[3.] Est hic in Urbe dominus Petrus Antonius Berrus Parmensis10 secretarius serenissimi regis Hungariae, domini mei gratiosissimi Dominationi Vestrae
Reverendissimae per maiestatem eius commendatus. Maiestas sua mihi commisit discedenti,
ut ei uti servitori ac secretario suo ubique, ubi esset opus, adessem maxime apud
Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem. Idem et regina11 serenissima iussit. Nunc intelligo oblatam esse occasionem Vestrae Reverendissimae
Dominationi ei in ista ecclesia Parmensi, quae est ei patria, de aliquo beneficiolo
subveniendi. Supplico Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae primum ob respectum maiestatis
regiae ac reginalis, deinde meorum etiam servitiorum, quae iampridem penitus Vestrae
Reverendissimae Dominationi dicavi, dignetur ei providere. Quod ego non aliter conabor
apud Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem promereri, quam si in me ipsum esset collatum.
Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi servitutem meam humillimam supplex commendo. Quae
optime ac felicissime valeat.
Romae, XX. Maii 1525. Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis servulus humilis Stephanus
Brodericus orator Address: Reverendissimo domino meo, domino cardinali de Salviatis
Lombardiae legato, semper observandissimo. [Outside, in a different handwriting:]
1525 orator Hungariae, Datae Romae XX Mai. Redditae Parmae 25 eiusdem.
Reverendissime Domine, Domine Observandissime. Servitutis commendationem.
[1.] Pro singulari Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis in me benignitate, quam et
hae litterae, quas nunc ab illa accepi,1 praesetulerunt, malo Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi reipsa et facto, quantum
a me fieri poterit, referre, quam verbis gratias agere.
[2.] Nihil magis, quod et antea scripsi,2 difficultatem, laborem ac molestias itineris Hispanici aestimantem consolatur, quam
quod mihi cum Vestra Dominatione Reve rendissima eundum esse video. Quam dispeream,
si non ex toto corde et amo et observo et veneror. Cupioque illi ex animo servire.
[3.] Litteras adhuc ex Hungaria, quas exspectamus, non habuimus. Iam diutius differri
non possunt. Ea, quae habuimus, perscripsi in hac scheda praesentibus inclusa. Alia
nunc non sunt. Servitutem meam rursus humiliter commendo. Vestram Reveren dissimam
Dominationem felicissime cupio valere.
Roma X. Iunii 1525. Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis humillimus servulus Stephanus
Brodericus orator [Addressed:] Reverendissimo domino meo colendissimo, domino cardinali
de Salviatis Lombardiae legato etc. Parmae [On the outer side in a different handwriting:]
Datae Romae X Iunii. Redditae Parmae 16.
143Ex Hungaria ex litteris XXV. praeteriti3 habemus conventum4 regni, qui celebrabatur, fuisse turbulentissimum ac nobilitatem rebus infectis abiisse
male contentam et 144 145 146 147 omnia extrema minitantem, sese conventum pro libito suo armatos facturos rebusque
regni aliter consulturos. Scribunt decimas, quae praelatis ecclesiarum debebantur,
eos suspendisse (hoc enim vocabulo scribitur), atque ad fines a Turca tutandos expensuros.5 Velle omnino, ut orator caesaris6 et Venetorum7 abeat cum omnibus Alemannis, qui in aula regia vel reginali versantur. Factam esse
praedam de Iudaica tota et de domo etiam cuiusdam servitoris reginae praedivitis superioribus
annis facti ex Iudeo Christiani.8
Venerant iam oratores Bohemorum pro conclusione unionis, tractabatur hoc negotium.9
Apud regem Poloniae intelligimus esse oratores Turcae duos pacem ab eo et medio eius
a rege Hungariae petentes; de rege Poloniae nullum dubium est eum pacem cum Turca
initurum, de rege nostro nihil adhuc habemus certi. Quamvis vix possim mihi persuadere
eum idem, quod patruus fecerit, non facturum. Quid enim aliud agat destitutus ab omnibus,
et nunc rege etiam patruo et vicino, in quo solo post Deum et Sacrosanctam Sedem spem
ponebat, in hanc pacem concedente.10
Reverendissime Devote nobis Dilecte.
[1.] Intelleximus te cum reverendissimo domino cardinali de Salviatis, legato Apostolico
ad caesaream maiestatem designato proficisci, quod nobis summopere placuit, ut cognitam
habentes fidem et propensionem, quam erga nos geris, te illic rerum nostrarum habeamus
curatorem. Rogamus autem te, ut, cum in aula eius caesareae maiestatis fueris, habeas
commendatam causam nostram ducatus Barensis,3 cuius possessione licet indicta causa spoliati fuerimus, ad quam legitime successeramus.
Licet etiam deinde investituram caesaream et commissionem illius maiestatis de restituenda
nobis ipsa possessione obtinuerimus et homagium debitum illius maiestati fecerimus,
tamen hactenus possessionem ipsam assequi non possumus, ingerentibus nobis moras et
difficultates officialibus illius Maiestatis indignas et indecentes, quibus nos iustitia
nostra et bonis illis exuere contendunt. Proinde operam tuam adhibeas, ut nobis tandem
possessio ipsa restituatur, et si quid aliud orator vel procuratores nostri agendum
putabunt, agere non graveris prout ipsi te instruent, quo tua erga nos merita et nostrum
vicissim erga te favorem uberrime cumulabis. Scripsimus etiam Sanctissimo Domino Nostro,
ut et reverendissimo domino cardinali de Salviatis legato, et tibi committere dignaretur,
patrocinari suo nomine apud caesaream maiestatem ipsi causae nostrae Barensi, quod
eius Sanctitatem facturam non dubitamus. Scribimus pariter oratori nostro,4 quem apud ipsam caesaream maiestatem habemus, ut consilio et patrocinio tuo uteretur
istic in omnibus.
[2.] Scribimus item illi, quibus rationibus transegerimus differentiam nostram cum
magistro Prussiae5 et indutias cum Turco inivimus.6 Postulamus a te, ut una cum illo, cum illic eris et ubi de his aliquid ageretur,
excuses et tuearis partes nostras, nam tu ipse scis, quo nos et serenissimum nepotem
nostrum, dominum regem Ludovicum, ista spes generalis expeditionis adduxerit et quantas
nos hic citra ullius auxilium 157 158 159 160 calamitates sustineamus. Cetera committimus virtuti et industriae tuae, quam iampridem
exploratam habemus. Datum.7
Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post mei et servitiorum
meorum in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Accepi nudius tertius litteras Vestrae Maiestatis XII. Iunii ad me datas et cum
his simul litteras ad Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum,2 ad reverendissimum dominum Sanctorum IIII3 et quosdam alios, in quibus scribit mihi Vestra Maiestas de negotio ducatus Barensis
et de mea in Hispanias profectione. 162 163 164 Negotium ducatus accepi iam esse in eo statu, ut non sit pro hac magnopere laborandum,
admissum esse in possessionem ducatus servitorem Vestrae Maiestatis. Quae si vera
sunt, prout mihi pro verissimis sunt relata, non dubito Vestram Maiestatem iam de
hoc factam certiorem. Ego tamen sub hoc dubio non omisi tam apud Sanctissimum Dominum
Nostrum, quam alibi facere omnia ea, quae hic fieri per me poterant, quaeve mihi a
Maiestate Vestra et ab Serenissima et Gratiosissima Domina Mea, Sacratissima Reginali
Maiestate fuerunt commissa, et quoniam ipse non sum ad caesarem iturus, egi apud Sanctissimum
Dominum Nostrum, ut causam hanc reverendissimo domino, cardinali Salviato legato,
diligentissime committeret, qui iuxta instructionem oratoris Vestrae Maiestatis apud
caesarem exsistentis4 agere deberet.
[2.] Consilium enim meae ad caesarem profectionis fuit mutatum, cuius mutationis vix
scirem ego ipse dicere certam causam. Hoc scio, pontificem, ut ad Vestram Maie statem
scripseram, fuisse in ipso mei huc adventus principio huius meae profectionis cupidissimum.
Nunc vero non ita, neque aliam causam affert, nisi litteras et mandata serenissimi
et gratiosissimi domini mei regis serius quam oportebat venisse. Si me illuc ire contigisset,
nihil mihi optatius certe fuisset, quam Vestrae Maiestati tam in hoc negotio Barensi,
si nondum confectum fuisset, quam in aliis, quae mihi commissa fuissent, servire.
Pro pace autem et concordia illorum principum, pro liberatione Christianissimi regis
(nam et hoc mihi per clementissimum regem meum fuerat commissum) totis viribus elaborassem.
Et ego ita certe existimo, Sapientissime et Clementissime Rex, non futuram fuisse
hanc vel meam vel alterius et prudentioris et maioris me Vestrarum Maiestatum servitoris
illuc profectionem a statu praesentium rerum atque ab illorum principum nunc inter
se tractatibus alienam. Non enim dubito Vestrarum Maiestatum auctoritatem, qui soli
cum vestris subditis sustinetis pondus diei et aestus, multum potuisse illos monere,
et plus quam omnium reliquorum principum auctoritatem. Sed ego haec me prudentioribus
relinquo iudicanda. Ego is sum, cui quicquid per Vestras Maiestates oneris, quod humeri
mei ferre possint, iniungetur, libens feram etiam si longe ultra Hispanias mihi esset
in servitiis Vestrarum Maiestatum eundum. Et quidem de his ac de negotio Barensi hactenus.
Venio ad alia.
[3.] Cum pontifex litteras de foedere per Vestram Maiestatem cum Turca inito et de
pace cum illustrissimo magistro Prussiae facta perlegisset, et cum ego paucis verbis
utriusque rei causas, quas et antea a me audiverat, ei exposuissem, multa mecum et
reverendissimo domino cardinali Caesio,5 qui pro reverendissimo domino cardinale Sanctorum IIII6 nunc absente aderat, est locutus. Quorum omnium illa est summa: sese Vestram Maiestatem
de foedere cum Turca inito habere excusatam, neque miraturum, si rex etiam Hungariae
Vestrae Maiestatis exemplum secutus idem faciet. Nam et de hoc dominum etiam meum
clementissimum idem tractare pontifex non est nescius. Totam hanc rem, quomodocunque
cadat, non Vestris Maiestatibus, quae a tot annis hostes Christianae reipublicae solae
sustineretis, sed principibus Christianis, qui nullo modo ad pacem induci possent,
esse inputandam. 165 166
[4.] De negotio vero Prutenico repetivit illa eadem, quae superioribus diebus dixerat
et quae ego ad Vestram Maiestatem perscripseram7 multa tamen questus de magistro,8 qui Sede Apostolica inconsulta religionem a sola Sede Apostolica dependentem hoc
pacto profanavisset: il*lum il*lum9 in Sedem Apostolicam gravissime deliquisse. Quibus de rebus pontifex et ipse scribit
ad Vestram Maiestatem, quae litterae adhuc expediri non potuerunt, mittentur per primam
mittendi occasionem. Sed quicquid pontifex ex sacri fortasse collegii inductione,
nam cum eis est rem communicaturus, scripserit, illam esse sciat Vestra Maiestas pontificis
mentem, quam perscripsi et nullam aliam. Utinam clementissimus dominus meus factum
Vestrae Maiestatis in foedere cum Turca ineundo sequeretur. Quod si non fiat, timeo,
ne omnino actum sit de nobis. Qua de re neque praesens destiti assidue apud eos, ubi
id faciendum videbatur, loqui et clamare, neque hinc scribere. Deus det suae maiestati
et dominis meis suae maiestatis consiliariis talem mentem, ne illud nobilissimum ac
potentissimum regnum sub spe nescio quarum expeditionum amittant.
[5.] Novi nihil est, nisi quod de regis Franciae in Hispaniam adventu nihil adhuc
habemus, neque scimus, quid speremus aut quid desperemus. Nuper, quod Vestrae Maiestati
scripseram, in maximam spem pacis erecti eramus, quae non est illa quidem adhuc penitus
sublata sed certe non parum diminuta. Venerunt nova de Constantinopoli, quae Vestra
Maiestas intellexisse potuit. Milites prae torianos, quos Ianyczeros vocant, seditione
facta, quod augeri sibi stipem annuam postu labant, plures domos et inter ceteras
Imbraym bassae et nonnullorum aliorum diripuisse atque in praedam vertisse, adortos
deinde locum, in quo thesaurus imperatoris servatur, eum locum expugnare non potuisse,
imperatorem aegre tandem seditione oppressa coactum id facere, quod milites postulaverant.
Haec pro re vera et certa huc scripta fuerunt.10 167 168 169 170 171 Me et servitia mea in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus supplex commendo. Romae
4. Iulii 1525. Supervenerunt litterae ex Hispania, regem Christianissimum XVII. mensis
Iunii proxime praeteriti ad portum Barcinonae appulisse. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae
Maiestatis humillimus minimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis
172Sacratissimae regiae maiestati Poloniae, magno duci Lithvaniae etc. domino mihi clementissimo.
Interpretatio schedae oratoris domini regis Hungariae per cifram scriptae1 Si Maiestas Vestra habet aliquam bonam occasionem faciendae pacis cum Turca, fortasse
non erit malum, non pendere a spe istius pacis inter Christianos, quae parva est,
immo nulla, neque credo aliquid secuturum. In causa est, quod rex Angliae ma nam partem
Galliae petit, a quo non poterit separari. Caesar, licet his diebus exorti g fuerint
quidam contrarii rumores, qui iam rursus non creduntur esse veri, de quibusdam alienationibus
mentium inter caesarem et Anglum et {meliori} spe pacis, quae omnia credo esse vana. Si Maiestas Vestra faciet pacem, et si non
vult extremum excidium nepotis sui et regnorum eius, includendus videtur ipse quoque
et regna illius in hanc pacem.
Bona, Dei gratia regina Poloniae, magna dux Lithvaniae, Russiae, Prussiaeque etc.
domina. Reverende Pater, Domine sincere nobis Dilecte.
Scimus nos Paternitatem Tuam negotiis nostris Barensibus, utpote et iustissimis et
aequissimis esse ex corde affectum, eo maxime, quod id ab utraque maiestate sua in
commissis habeat, ut nomine illarum maiestatum hoc idem apud caesaream et catholicam
maiestatem efficaciter promovere[t]. Nunc cupimus, et si par sit, rogamus, assistet ibi oratori nostro, magnifico Ioanni
Dantisco,3 et in quibus auxilium suum postulaverit, ita illud impendere velit, quemadmodum rebus
nostris prodesse noverit. Nos enim praefato oratori nostro ad Tuam Paternitatem singulare
iussimus habere refugium, nam illam scimus ibidem non parvi valere et reputari. Nos,
quando poterimus Paternitati Tuae omni nostra gratitudine id rependere curabimus,
quam optime valere cupimus.
Datum Cracoviae die quinta Iulii millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo quinto. Ea commissione
sacrae reginalis maiestatis propria
[...]
Sacra Regia Maiestas et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post mei et servitiorum
meorum in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem.
Nunc nihil est quod scribam, nisi velim eadem repetere, quae proxime scripsi per alium
servitorem Vestrae Maiestatis. Nondum aliquid certi ex Hispania venit. Res Germanicae
quietiores sunt;2 principem Ferdinandum intelligimus ire cum copiis suis ad liberandum ab obsidione
dominum cardinalem Salczpurgensem obsessum a subditis suis.3 Ego meam fidelem servitutem in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis supplex commendo. Quam
Deus conservare dignetur diu et incolumem et victoriosam.
Romae 4. Augusti 1525. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis minimus servulus Stephanus
Brodericus orator
Beatissime Pater ac Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post pedum Vestrae Sanctitatis oscula
beatorum et meae servitutis humillimam commendationem.
[1.] Ego postquam a Vestra Sanctitate discessi XXImo die Budam perveni. Ubi cum maiestatem
regiam non reperiissem, quae ad insulam Chepel animi causa secesserat, illic maiestatem
suam et serenissimam dominam meam reginam conveni. Benigne ab eis exceptus. Quibus
cum mandata Vestrae Sanctitatis exposuissem, gratissimo animo omnia audivere, praesertim
Vestrae erga se Sanctitatis tantum ac tam paternum amorem et de rebus huius regni
curam.
[2.] De oratoribus ad caesarem maiestatem mittendis, et de quibusdam aliis rebus nondum
responsum habui.1 Postquam habuero, Vestram Sanctitatem faciam de rebus omnibus certiorem.
[3.] Fui postea cum reverendissimo domino Strigoniensi,2 qui certe singulari obser vantia, quod et coram semper testatus sum, Vestram prosequitur
Sanctitatem. Contuli cum eo Vestrae Sanctitatis nomine de rebus illis, de quibus conferendum
erat.3 Videtur optima praeditus mente. Est in eadem, in qua antea fuit, auctoritate. Cum
palatino novo domino Stephano,4 et cum domino vayvoda5 et aliis omnibus primariis viris coniunctus,6 Vestrae, ut dixi, Sanctitatis atque istius Sanctae Sedis observandissimus.
[4.] Illud negotium7 quo in statu sit, Vestra Sanctitas ex litteris domini baronis8 intelliget. Ego, quicquid sequatur, video, quantum Vestrae Sanctitati ob eius tantam
in me benignitatem, et in re mea curam ac studium favoremque debeam. Cuius quidem
mei debiti nunquam ero immemor. De comite Christophoro,9 de regiae maiestatis peregrinatione,10 de principum 9 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 nostrorum conventu11 nihil scribo. Non ignarus Vestram Sanctitatem et de his et de aliis omnibus litteris
domini baronis factam esse certiorem.
Meam humillimam servitutem ad pedum pulveres Vestrae Sanctitatis supplex humillime
commendo. Quam Deus semper felicem atque incolumem conservet. Ex Buda XIII. Septembris
1525. Eiusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis Creatura et humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus
Notae
1 1 István Brodarics to Albert Kasu1 Kristallóc,2 [summer of 1505?]3 Manuscript used: Georg Marcelović, Regesta diplomatum aliorumque
documentorum, 230. NAZ Published: Ivan Tkalčić, Monumenta Historiae Zagrabiae, Zagrabiae,
1896, 48. István Brodarics appeals to Grand Provost Albert Kasu for help against Bishop
Lukács who accuses him with embezzlement.
2 2 István Brodarics1 to Albert Kasu Buda, 1507, [?, ?]2 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 232236 Brodarics thanks
Albert Kasu for the latter’s patronage and requests further support for himself and
his kin in front of the Bishop of Zagreb.
4 3 István Brodarics to Taddeo dei Lardi1 Székesfehérvár, 5 June 1508 Manuscript used: ASM, Ambasciatori, Ungheria, Busta 3.
Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 259–260.
In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest,
1971, 555–556. Brodarics gives a detailed account to Lardi of events and participants
at the coronation of Louis II.
5 4 István Brodarics to Taddeo dei Lardi1 Buda, 9 June 1508 Manuscript used: ASM, Ambasciatori, Ungheria, Busta 3.2 Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 260–261.
In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest,
1971, 557–558. Brodarics gives a detailed account of the child King’s marching in
to Buda and participants of the procession to Taddeo dei Lardi three days after the
coronation of Louis II.
6 On Lardi see notes for the previous letter. copy of the original manuscript from the
19th century is in the Library of the HAS, Manuscripts Department (Ms 4999, bundle
11., 101–103) 3 See the previous letter. 4 Brodarics did not send his previous letter
indeed, since there is no seal and address on that one (unlike the second one sent
to Lardi). 5 I.e. on 8 June 1508. 6 Imre Perényi (?–1519), Comes of Abaúj, Palatine
from 1504 until his death. 7 János Szapolyai, Count of Szepes, Transylvanian Voivod.
8 After the coronation the two keepers of the crown took it back to the place where
it was kept, Visegrád. 9 Cardinal Bakócz Tamás, Archbishop of Esztergom.
8 5 István Brodarics to citizens of Kassa Buda, 29 August 1512 Manuscript used: MOL,
DF 270926 1. Brodarics reminds citizens of Kassa that he was of help to them in the
past whenever he could be. – 2. He asks for a four-in-hand carriage from the town
in recognition of his services and that it is to be sent to Buda by merchants going
to the fair held at St. Nicholas Day.
10 6 István Brodarics to Aldus Manutius1 Buda, 15 September 15122 Manuscript used: BA, E. 36 inf., fol. 16. Published: bel
Jenő, Adalékok a humanismus történetéhez Magyarországon, Budapest, 1880, 30.; and
Pierre de Ambroise Nolhac, Les correspondents d’Alde Manuce. Matériaux nouveaux d’histoire
littéraire 1485–1514. Rome, 1888, 242.; In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar
humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 558. Six years ago he left a manuscript
of Janus Pannonius with a book merchant by the name of Jordan so that the latter would
forward it to Aldus Manutius in order to print it. He requests Aldus to give the volume
to the Hungarian King’s envoy, who is to arrive at Venice, if it has been printed.
11 Manutius (Bassion, 1449–Venice, 1515), Humanist, an emblematic printer of the Renaissance.
On his Hungarian connections see: Gerézdi Rabán, Aldus Manutius és magyar barátai,
Magyar Könyv szemle, 1945, 38–98. More on his life: Julius Schück, Aldus Manutius
und seine Zeitgenossen in Italien und Deutschland, Berlin, 1862. 2 On the back side
of the letter we find 17 October. Rabán Gerézdi does accept this date (compare: Aldus
Manutius magyar barátai, Magyar Könyvszemle, 1945, 67), and this date appears on the
version that appeared in Hungarian in the volume of V. Kovács. However, this is obviously
false, since we know that Fülöp Csulai Móré took the letter, and about him we know
that he was received in Venice in great pomp on 7 October. (Compare: F edeles Tamás,
Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári
Közlemények, 2007, 60–61.) The misunderstanding stems from an incorrect resolution
of the Roman-type date at the end of the letter. According to Roman calculation we
do not add 17 days to the Kalendae, 1 October, but distract 17 days, and this is how
we get the real date of the letter, 15 September. This way of dating can be reconciled
with Csulai’s trip, who was already in Zengg at the end of September, where he embarked
on a ship to Venice. 3 Jordan von Dinslaken, printer from Cologne. He was banned
from Venice in 1520 for distributing Luther’s works. Compare: Boda Miklós, Pécs–Medvevár–Pécs.
Janus Pannonius a pécsi utóélet tükrében = Bartók István, Jankovits László, Kecskeméti
Gábor (ed.), Humanista műveltség Pannniában, Pécs, 2000, 83. 4 Brodarics obtained
doctorate in canon law in Padua sometime around 1505–1506. 5 On Brodarics’ role in
the publication of Janus’ works and on the manuscript he had, see more: Boda Miklós,
A „sevillai kdexek” és a Janus Pannonius-szöveghagyomány kérdőjelei, Baranyai Helytörténetírás
17–18. (1985–1986), 475–493. – More recently, gnes Ritoókné Szalay found a manuscript
with Janus’ works. He established a connection between the compilation and Brodarics
convincingly. Compare: Ritoókné Szalay gnes, Janus Pannonius leveleinek kézirata a
Pray-gyűjteményben, Az Egyetemi Könyv tár vkönyvei, 14–15 (2011), 283–292.
13 7 István Brodarics to citizens of Kassa Pécs, 20 August 1515 Manuscript used: MOL,
DF 269209 Published: Tóth-Szabó Pál, Oklevelek a kegyúri jog történetéhez, Történelmi
Tár, 1903, 105–106. 1. Having heard that the position of the Provost of Jászó is vacant,
he asks those in Kassa to give it to scribe Péter. Kristóf Darholczi also wrote about
this to them. – 2. He and Darhoczi could have achieved with the Bishop that the Provostship
goes to scribe Péter, but as advowson belongs to Kassa, they prefer to recommend their
protégé to the town. – 4. People in Kassa should write a letter on behalf of scribe
Péter, whose knowledge, morals and outstanding qualities make him worthy of recommendation.
14 Brodarics’ formulation is ambiguous here. Already secretary of György Szatmári at
the time. In 1505–1506, probably the patronage of Tamás Bakócz was behind the plans
for publication, but the manuscript in question got into the hands of the young Humanist
from his original patron Osvát Tuz. (On this compare: Kasza Péter, Egy karrier hajnala.
Adalékok Brodarics István tanulmányainak és családi viszo nyainak történetéhez, Századok,
2008, 1193.) Szatmári, on the other hand, undoubtedly supported the publication of
Janus’ works, as shown by the offering to the Bishop of Pécs in the Guarino-panegyricus
of Sebestyén Magyi published in 1513. (Compare: Klaniczay Tibor (ed.), Janus Pannonius
– Magyarországi humanisták. Budapest, 1982, 662–664. In Latin: Hegedüs István, Analecta
nova, Budapest, 1903, 214.) On Brodarics’ connections to Sebestyén Magyi and the Bologna
circle see: Révész Mária, Néhány adat Philippus Beroaldus maior magyar összeköttetéseihez.
Egyetemes Philológiai Közlöny, 1941, 165–166. 7 Fülöp Csulai Móré (1476/77–1526),
Humanist, Royal Secretary, later Bishop of Pécs. Csulai studied with Beroaldo in Bologna
and had a friendly relationship with Aldus Manutius too. Like Brodarics, Csulai was
also a protégé of Szatmári. In the first two decades of the 1500s, he visited Venice
many times as Hungarian royal envoy. More on his life: Fedeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori
humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007,
35–84.
16 Provost Pál Jászai, who was appointed to the position in 1508 by Szatmári himself,
died in 1515. Bishop of Pécs György Szatmári and his home town Kassa won advowson
of Provostship of Jászó and the right to elect the Provost on 9 June 1508. The convent,
however, also clinged to the right of free election of the Provost based on their
privileges upheld by Vladislaus. After the death of Pál Jászai, the convent elected
Gergely Karácsondi Provost. Karácsondi was later confirmed by Szatmári himself as
Provost. The document about this is dated 23 September 1515. (Compare: MOL DF 269210)
Regarding the Jászó convent see: Tóth-Szabó Pál, Szathmári György prímás (1457–1524),
Budapest, 1906; and Tóth-Szabó Pál, Jász a főkegyúri jog történetében II., Századok,
1905, 223–247. 3 An unknown employee of György Szatmári who did not attain Provostship.
4 Brodarics was already the secretary of Szatmári. 5 It is about nobleman Kristóf
Darholczi from Sáros County, about whom we have several pieces of data together with
his father (Pál Darholczi) and brothers (Pál and Vilmos). (Compare: MOL, DL 97820,
DL 64524, DL 75106). Kristóf, Vice-Comes of Sáros County from 1514, Chamberlain of
György Szatmári in 1515. 6 For Darholczi’s letter to the town of Kassa dated 18 August
1515, see: MOL, DF 270974
17 8 István Brodarics to Angelo Cospi1 [Sine loco], [1515–1516]2 Manuscript used: EFKK, Categoria V. Titulus IV. cc. 142v–143r.
Published: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények, 1970, 372. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor, Magyar humanisták levelei
XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 596. Brodarics calls Cospi’s attention to a youngster
who prepares for studies in Italy, even though he is not an old acquaintance of Cospi.
18 1 Angelo Bartolomeo Cospi (1430–1516) Humanist, philologist, teacher of rhetoric
at the Vienna University. 2 Giving an exact date for the letter is problematic. Sándor
V. Kovács, who first published the text, dated the letter to the second half of the
1530s, because he thought that Brodarics might have got acquainted with Angelo Cospi
on his trip to Italy in 1536. Regarding the fact that Cospi died in 1516, the date
given by V. Kovács is obviously impossible. Cospi taught rhetoric at the University
of Vienna, and it is clear that Brodarics knew him only slightly. However, we know
about Cospi that he spent some time in Pozsony in 1515, where in the house of Girolamo
Balbi he translated the Didorodus Codex (Libri duo, primus de Philippi Regis Macedoniae,
aliorum re quorundam illustrium ducum, alter de Alexandri filii rebus gestis.) The
translation was published after Cospi’s death, in 1516 in Vienna in the print-shop
of Vietor. (Compare: Hermann Zsuzsa, Egy humanista karrierje (Balbi Jeromos), Az Egyetemi
Könyvtár vkönyvei, Budapest, 1964, 233.) Since Balbi, just like Brodarics, belonged
to the circle of György Szatmári, Brodarics might have met Cospi through him in 1515-16
when Cospi stayed in Hungary. 3 We do not know whom Brodarics recommended to Cospi.
4 Compare: Martialis I, 54, 5. (Ad Fuscum). Brodarics connects Martialis’ line skilfully
to his own text. In the original: Nec me, quod tibi sim novus, recuses; / Omnes hoc
veteres tui fuerunt.
19 9 Charter about the augmentation of coat of arms for István Brodarics Buda, 25 March
1517 Manuscript used: MOL R 64 – item II. – Nr. 48.1 Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése 1508–1538, Történelmi Tár, 1908,
342–344. For the part of the charter describing the coat of arms, see: ldásy Antal,
A MNM könyvtárának címerjegyzéke II. Címereslevelek, Budapest, 1904, 28–29. István
Brodarics and his family received coat of arms augmentation from King Louis II. The
document discusses the earlier image of the coat of arms received for military merit
in detail. Then it proceeds to describe the nature of augmentation and gives explanation.
20 3 Brodarich: Brodarych MOL R 64 1 The original of the document severely damaged already
was in the possession of the Tallián family. The copy that is presently in the MOL
was made after this in 1897. The Tallián archive was incorporated into the National
Museum in 1899, but by this time the original of Brodarics’ coat of arms had disappeared.
Compare: Laczlavik György, Brodarics István címereslevele, Turul, 2011/1, 28. 2 Jerosin
or Jarosin, Kőrös county (today: Herešin, Croatia). Relevant literature disputes that
Brodarics really used the name of Jerosin, because, apart from the charter, it is
never seen in his letters that survived. In a letter dated 1 October 1532., he names
Polyana in Kőrös County as his ancestral estate. On the issue of title of nobility
see: Kujáni Gábor, A Brodaricsok, Századok, 1913, 755–756; on Jerosin–Herešin the
authority is Ranko Pavleš, who uses recent Croatian literature too. Compare: Ranko
Pavleš, Koprivničko i đurđevečko vlastelinstvo. Povijest, topografija, organizacija,
Koprivnica, 2001, 110–111. 3 This, in fact, is a title of chapel rector. The St.
Andrew’s chapel might have been built next to the south-western part of cathedral.
Sources mention one of its altars already in the early 14th century. Tamás Bakócz
was one of the chapel rectors before 1487; all his known successors were clerics with
a university degree. Compare Timár György, A szenttisztelet Pécsett a középkorban
(patrocinium, titulus, ecclesiae) = Font Márta (ed.), Pécs szerepe a Mohács előtti
Magyarországon. Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből 9., Pécs, 2001, 69–103.
21 22 claritudinis correxi ex: claritudine The multitude of expressions denoting age,
which show that Brodarics got to Italy at a very early age, provide the strongest
proofs that his date of birth should be put around 1480 instead of 1470–71. More on
this: Kasza Péter, Egy karrier hajnala... 1198–1202. 5 Brodarics first studied in
Padua from around 1498–99, then, after his master Giovanni Calphurnio died, he continued
in Bologna with Filippo Beroaldo from 1503. Still, he obtained doctorate of canon
law in Padua in 1505–1506. More on the chronology of Brodarics’ studies in Italy:
Kasza Péter, Egy karrier hajnala... 1194–1198. 6 Tamás Bakócz, Archbishop of Esztergom,
Patriarch of Constantinople.
23 66 avis correxi ex: alis 7 György Szatmári, Bishop of Pécs, major patron of Brodarics.
24 10 István Brodarics to Louis II1 Rome, 1 September 1522 Manuscript used: MOL, DL 25663 Published: Iványi Béla, Adalékok
a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 343–344.
1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience
yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in
a private interview that a legate or nuncio be sent to the Nuremberg Imperial Diet.
– 2. Brodarics assures King Louis that that he could find no Pope more suitable for
his purposes than Adrian. Marsupino has returned from Florence to Rome too. Now they
work together on behalf of the King. – 3. He complains that he has no money and he
doesn’t get any from the Fuggers in spite of the King having instructed them to lend
him some. If he does not receive money soon, he will be compelled to sell everything
he has and crawl back to Hungary in shame with barely one servant. – 4. He, too, deems
the diplomatic mission to France mentioned by King Louis quite useful, but he cannot
travel there without money.
25 8 Jacobus Piso (1480–1527), offspring of a Saxon middle class family from Medgyes,
noted Humanist, poet and diplomat, friend and pen friend of Erasmus, member of the
circle of László Szalkai who would become Archbishop of Esztergom. One of the tutors
of the child King Louis from 1516, Royal Secretary from 1520. We have no other data
about a permanent contact with Brodarics, who was roughly of the same age, but perhaps
it is not just by accident that he wrote the letter on the coat of arms, which praises
literature and science, in such elegant Latin. 1 Fraknói refers to this letter when
he states that one of Brodarics’ tasks was to persuade the Pope to intervene so that
Pál Tomori accepts arcbishopric of Kalocsa. (Compare: Fraknói Vilmos, Tomori Pál élete,
Századok, 1881, 310.) Brodarics might have had such an assignment but it cannot be
justified with the text of this letter. 2 Hadrian VI (1522–1523) was elected Pope
on 9 January 1522. 3 On 31 August.
26 4 Cardinal Giulio de Medici was the cousin of the previous Medici pope, Leo X. After
the early death of Hadrian VI he is elected Pope in the autumn of 1523 by the name
of Clement VII (1523–1534). 5 There were two imperial assemblies in Nuremberg in
1522, one in the spring, and one in the autumn. The Hungarian King sent his envoys
to both in order to obtain aid for the struggle against the Turks and for capturing
Nándorfehérvár back. The papal envoy should have supported these Hungarian claims.
6 We do not know exactly when Brodarics arrived in Rome. He probably left Buda in
the end of February, because Iván Borsa mentions in a Hungarica report that he saw
in the Siena State Archives a letter of recommendation by Louis II to Cardinal Raffaello
Petrucci on behalf of Brodarics, and this was dated 18 February 1522 (compare: Archivio
di Stato di Siena, Particolari, Famiglie Senesi nr. 146). It is known from Mario Sanuto’s
diary that he was in Venice on 26 April because that’s when he spoke in front of the
council of the Signoria about the aid to Hungary. He got an answer on 2 May, and Sanuto
says he continued his trip to Rome on 3 May. (Compare: Wenzel Gusztáv, Marino Sanuto
világkrónikájának Magyarországot illető tudsításai III., Magyar Történelmi Tár XXV.
268–269.) Marsupino writes on 8 August 1522 that he was waiting for Brodarics to arrive
in Rome but 3 months have passed since his arrival. Thus Brodarics might have reached
Rome in the second half of May. 7 Brodarics and Marsupino were heard at a consistory
session on 4 September. See Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest,
2001. 8 Unfortunately, we have no more letters addressed to King Louis from Rome.
9 Francesco Marsupino, a cleric of Humanist knowledge, a doctor of both laws, one
time secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian
envoy. After 1526 he represented Szapolyai in the papal court. István Brodarics and
Ferenc Frangepán both considered him a close friend. In 1542 he still served Ferenc
Frangepán. Paul III wanted to send him on a mission to Ireland in 1541 but it did
not happen (see Thomas Maccogg, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England
1541–1588, Leiden–New York–Köln, 1996, 15.) His brother Joannes (Giovanni) Marsupino
was Abbot of Kapornak in 1532 and entered the service of Pál Várday in 1548. Regarding
the Marsupino brothers see: ETE I. 232., 309., 310.; ETE II. 186–188.; ETE III. 269.,
284., 291., 350., 380., 416., 474.; ETE IV. 131.
28 10 Marsupino arrived in Florence around 8 August. He practically fled there from his
creditors because he had not received money from Hungary for months. See Iványi Béla,
Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár,
1906, 341–342; and MOL DL 25313. 11 We do not know the referred letter by King Louis.
12 This may be a reference to Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor György
Szatmári, a long-time patron of Brodarics. Because of the title Chancellor it is possible
that László Szalkai wrote the letter mentioned. 13 It is a reference to the Fugger
banking house, which was one of the most important financial institutions of the era
that gave credits. They had several branches in Hungary too. More on their activities:
Richard Ehrenberg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger. Geldkapital und Creditverkerhr im 16.
Jahrhundert, Jena, 1963. 14 Brodarics’ planned legation in France did not happen.
15 In the first part of the letter Brodarics says August is the current month, yet
the date at the end of the letter is 1 September. This highlights the nature of diplomatic
letters: they are summaries, and writing them often took several days as suspected
here.
29 11 Sigismund I1 to István Brodarics [Vilnius], [22 October 1522]2 Manuscript used: BK 228fol. 197–1983
Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 144–145. He has been informed about the sudden death
of his envoy to Rome. Since he has nobody to conduct his business, he asks Brodarics
to promote his interests in the papal court just as his envoys often represent the
Hungarian King. Brodarics should achieve with the Pope that the Pope appoints the
candidate of King Sigismund Bishop of Przemiśl Rafał for the vacant position of Bishop
of Płock. Appointing anybody else would violate the rights of the country and create
confusion.
30 (Old) Sigismund I (1506–1548), King of Poland, the youngest brother of Vladislaus
II, uncle of Louis II. He had no child from her first wife Borbála Szapolyai. Izabella,
wife of János Szapolyai was born from his second marriage to Bona Sforza. More on
his life: Zygmunt Wojciechowski, Zygmunt Stary (1506–1548), Warszawa, 1979. [Bibliography
in the notes.] 2 Brodarics indicates in his letter dated 1 January 1523 that he has
received Sigismund ‘s letter together with two others addresses to the Pope dated
in Vilnius on 22 October. The accompanying letter to Brodarics was probably written
around 22 October too. 3 Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. 378–379. According to
the version kept in the Naruszewicz Collection, this letter was intended to Francesco
Marsupino, which cannot be excluded, since the earliest known manuscript of it is
known only from a 16th-century copy kept in Kórnik. This is what I used. Its address
says the letter is to the Hungarian King’s envoy at the Holy Seat (oratori regis Hungariae
apud Sedem Apostolicam). Since we do not know of any letter from Sigismund to Marsupino
during Brodarics’ envoyship in Rome, and Brodarics indicates in his response on 1
January 1523 that he did get a letter from the Polish King, I deem it more probable
that the addressee of the above letter is Brodarics. 4 This letter is unknown. The
above letter is the earliest that left to us from the correspondence of Brodarics
and the Polish King. 5 Erazm Ciołek (1474–1522), Bishop of Płock, died as an envoy
of Sigismund in Rome on 9 September 1522. More on his life: Henryk Folwarski, Erazm
Ciołek biskup i dyplomata, Warszawa, 1935. 6 Hungarian King Louis II was the cousin
of Sigismund. 7 Without doubt this is a reference to Francesco Marsupino. 8 Pope
Hadrian VI.
31 12 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 1 January 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 4.
fol. 122 r–v.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 219–220. 1. Brodarics fulfilled Sigismund’s request
and approached the Pope regarding the Płock bishopric and the matter of indulgences.
Sigismund will learn the Pope’s answer from a letter to be sent through Anton Fugger.
– 2. He informs Sigismund that the Pope holds him in the highest esteem among all
Christian rulers, and he alone is considered the refuge of Christianity and also the
only support of Hungarian King Louis. – 3. He says he is happy to be available for
Sigismund because he knows that by serving Sigismund he is of service to his own master
Louis.
32 9 After the death of Bishop of Płock Erazm Ciołek the King of Poland wanted to install
Rafał Leszczyński, Bishop of Przemiśl into the vacant position. However, Hadrian VI
did not wait for Sigismund’s recommendation but appointed Johann Albrecht, brother
of Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order which had a hostile
relationship with Poland. (Compare: AT VI. 154–155.) The Polish ruler protested angrily.
Since neither party would budge, a one-year-long diplomatic struggle began. Brodarics
played an important part of its settlement. More on this: Kasza Péter, Egy magyar
diplomata lengyel szolgálatban. Újabb források Brodarics István rmai követi működéséhez.,
Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 2009, 593–605. The same in English: A Hungarian diplomat
in Polish service New sources for the functioning of István Brodarics as ambassador
in Rome, Camoenae Hungaricae, 2010, 61–73. manuscript: BK 223 fol. 83–84. No doubt,
it is the letter by Sigismund in October 1522. 3 Sigismund greeted Hadrian VI for
his election in a letter dated in Vilnius 22 October 1522. Compare: AT VI. 130.
34 4 He wrote another letter the same day, in which he asks for confirmation of the
kermess that Leo X permitted. The permission became invalid as Leo died. He also asks
the after the death of Bishop of Płock Ciołek, who was charged with collecting Peter’s
pence, the commission be transferred to Bishop of Poznań Piotr Tomicki. Compare: AT
VI. 135. 5 The breves of Hadrian VI did not survive. 6 Anton Fugger (1493–1560):
cousin of Jakob Fugger, who laid down the foundations for the power of banker family.
After his childless uncle dies (1525), he and his brothers take over control of the
Fugger banking house. (More on Anton Fugger: Götz Freiherr von Pölnitz, Anton Fugger,
Bd 1–3., Tübingen, 1958–1986. On the Fuggers’ activities in Rome: Aloys Schulte, Die
Fugger in Rom 1495–1523, 2 Bde, Leipzig, 1904.) Sigismund counted on the help of the
Fuggers – who were influential in Rome – in settling the dispute with the Pope. His
letters to Jakob Fugger and Jan Boner from the end of October demonstrate this (see:
AT VI. 145–147.) Anton Fugger must have written to the Polish ruler on this matter.
7 Hungarian King Louis II was the cousin of Sigismund. 8 Nándorfehérvár (Belgrade,
today: Beograd, Serbia) was occupied by the Turks on 29 August 1521. This was a serious
blow to Hungary, since this fortress was central in their Southern defence line. One
of the main purpose of sending Brodarics to Rome as an envoy was to obtain support
of the papal court to the campaign to reconquer Nándorfehérvár.
36 13 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 15 January 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 4.
fol. 130r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 225–226. 1. He put forth Sigismund’s request
to the Pope again regarding the Płock bishopric, but this time Cardinal de Grassis,
who had been away before, also spoke up to the Pope in this matter. – 2. He will learn
the Pope’s answer from de Grassis’ letter. The Pope cannot be dissuaded from his earlier
intention, so pushing the issue further is senseless. That is, benefices of those
who died in the Town are handled differently in Rome. They try to get hold of such
benefices themselves.
37 1 Achilles de Grassis (or Achille Grassi) (1456–1523), Cardinal. A high priest of
Polish origin. He went on diplomatic missions to several European courts from 1508.
Sigismund wrote several letters to him concerning the Płock bishopric in the autumn
of 1522, and asked for his intervention. (Compare: AT VI. 145–146, 153–154, 207.)
39 26 victoriosam correxi ex: victoriosum From Sigismund‘s answer below it seems he had
not received de Grassis’ letter. Essentially the Pope refused all of Sigismund’s requests.
His candidate for the bishopric of Płock remained Marquis Johann Albrecht, he reduced
the period of the kermess to half a year, and wanted to charge his own people with
the collection of the Peter’s pence. Naturally, Sigismund protested indignantly. See
his letter to Cardinal de Grassis: AT VI. 207. 4 Against this argumentation, the
Polish court referred to international law which says that envoys are entitled to
immunity and extraterritoriality, so it does not matter that Ciołek died in Rome.
Since he was an envoy of the Polish King, it should be regarded as if he had died
in Poland. Compare:. Sigismund’s letter to Archbishop of Gniezno Jan Łaski: AT VI.
159–160.
40 14 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 26 January 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 4.
fol. 131r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 226. Brodarics, as instructed, held negotiations
with the Pope again regarding the Płock bishopric. The King will learn the Pope’s
intentions from the latter’s breve. The Pope shows goodwill towards him and is ready
to please him in any way since he knows that the fate of Christianity is in a large
part in Sigismund’s hands.
41 15 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [February 1523] Manuscript used: BJ 6556
fol. 70r–v.1 1. Letters of Brodarics leave him in uncertainty regarding bishoprics of Płock and
Przemiśl. – 2. He asks for clarification of the situation. Should the Pope decide
otherwise than he wishes, he will in no way be diverted from his purpose.
42 1 Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 397–398.
43 16 Andrzej Krzycki1 to István Brodarics Cracow, 18 February 1523 Manuscript used: BK 243fol. 222v–223r.2 1. Krzycki expresses his joy over Brodarics’ letter to him. Neither long years nor
distance made him forget their old friendship. – 2. He thanks for Brodarics’ congratulation
to him for his appointment as Bishop of Przemiśl. He did not strive for it, did not
even think of it. He is afraid, however, that a bishopric so near the Turks will hinder
him in achieving his literary goals. – 3. He has been informed about the election
of the Pope, and is worried that the situation of the church would not improve in
Poland, especially due to schemes of the Czech. – 4. He has been informed that there
are plots in Rome regarding the rest of his benefices, although he cannot accept the
bishopric without those.
44 4 nostro om. BCzart TN 35 4 alteris: alterius BCzart TN 35 1 domine om. BK 245 2
15 voluerit: velit BCzart TN 35 2 post Vestrae ms. BK 245: Reverendissimae add. Presumably
Brodarics’ letters written on 1 and 15 January 1523.
45 1 Andrzej Krzycki (1482–1537) Humanist, poet, high priest, diplomat. Cousin of Bishop
of Cracow and Vice-Chancellor Piotr Tomicki. On his life more recently: Leszek Barszcz,
Andrzej Krzycki, poeta, dyplomata, prymas, Gniezno, 2005. [Bibliography 196–203.]
2 Another manuscript: BK 245 fol. 29 r–v
46 13 post vestris ms. BK 245: sit add. 17 post Vestrae ms. BK 245: Reverendissimae add.
18 illius erga me: erga me illius BK 245 19 et om. BK 245 12 Vestra Dominatio: Reverendissima
Dominatio Vestra BK 245 13 post dominum ms. BK 245: regem add. 15 ac: et BK 245 15 post
discriminibus ms. BK 245: Reverendissima Dominatio Vestra mihi add. 15 autem: enim
BK 245 16 sit: fit BK 245 16 post nam ms. BK 245: cum add. 3 18 ut: et BK 245 19 post
unquam ms. BK 245: clementia domini mei add. 21 est om. BK 245 22 post Dominationem
ms. BK 245: Reverendissimam add. 23 ignorare: ignorasse BK 245:, in...latere om. BK
245 24 Porro intelligimus om. BK 245 25 redempturum Israel: Israel redempturum BK
245: 25 quo haud: ex quibus non BK 245 26 secuturum: sequi BK 245 26 post Dominatio
ms. BK 245: Reverendissima add. 27 hic: sit BK 245 This is the earliest letter in
the Krzycki–Brodarics correspondence. We do not know exactly how long they had known
each other, but it must have been a long time (per totos annos). Since Krzycki, like
Brodarics, studied in Bologna in the first years of the century, conceivably they
might have met there. 4 After the death of Bishop of Płock Erazm Ciołek (1522) Sigismund
appointed Rafał Leszczyński, Bishop of Przemiśl as his successor. Thus the latter
bishopric became vacant. Krzycki, who had been Provost of Poznań got this. 5 A clear
allusion to the discord between the Pope and the Polish court regarding the appointment
of bishops
47 17 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [around 15 May 1523] Manuscript used:
BJ 6556 fol. 71r–v.1 1. Sigismund cannot understand why matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl
take so long to settle, when the Pope does not benefit from this, but his candidates
suffer considerable harm. – 2. He asks Brodarics to help his envoy to the Pope in
every way since he will not allow settling the matter differently than what he had
decided.
48 28 Bohemi et alii om. BK 245 28 succedant: succedunt BK 245 28 post aegre ms. BK 245:
adhuc om. 29 pontifices nostros: episcopos BK 245 31 locus in senatu: in senatu lucus
BK 245 33 reliquum: denique BK 245 36 post rogo ms. BK 245: et obsecro om. 3 ulla:
nulla BCzart TN 35 37 post Dominationem ms. BK 245: Reverendissimam add., ut om. 38 et
in hoc saltem mihi opituletur, si in alio non libet: et in hoc saltem mihi, si in
alio non libet, opituletur BK 245 39 viderint: videant BK 245 39 post me ms. BK 245:
ex corde Reverendissimae Dominationi Vestrae add.
49 The Polish King, too, requested that Krzycki be allowed to keep his other benefices
besides the bishopric sine quibus in episcopatu Premisliensi exili et lacero, ut in
finibus infidelium statum suum cum debita dignitate sustinere non posset (compare:
AT VI. 135.)
50 1 Another 6 manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 731.
51 18 Louis II to István Brodarics Buda, 1 June 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 2760781
Partially published: Veress Endre (ed.), Akták és levelek Erdély- és Magyarország
Moldvával és Havasalfölddel való viszonyához, Budapest, 1914, 125.2 1. He has learnt that a papal envoy arrives in Hungary with an aid of fifty thousand
gold coins. This is needed badly for hiring mercenaries as soon as possible. – 2.
The Turks occupied Wallachia again, and, together with the two Romanian voivodships
and the Tatars they represent a serious threat to Transylvania and Szörény, and even
the whole country. A significant Turkish force assembled already near Szörény which,
although would not start an overall attack on the country, can cause considerable
harm through minor attacks and occupying border fortresses. – 3. The Turks threaten
Croatia. Lightning has hit the powdermagazine in Temesvár. It exploded and there is
significant damage. He asks Brodarics to urge the Pope to give financial aid in any
case. – 4. Louis does everything in his power to contain the Turks, but this is not
a struggle between equals since it should not be the task of one sole king to defeat
the lord of a whole empire. – 5. Brodarics should see to it that the papal court does
not spend money allotted from tenths to anything but defence against the Turks.
52 1 Apud hunc versum eadem manu in marg. add. Copia litterarum regis Hungariae ad oratorem
suum Romae. Datum Budae prima Iunii 1523. 2 Another reason to date the letter for
May is that the same arguments appear in a letter to Cardinal Bernardo Carvajal sent
on 15 May 1523. (Compare: AT VI. 275.) 3 Sigismund sent Hieronym Łaski to Rome to
protest raising Marquis of Brandenburg Johann Albrecht Bishop of Płock. (Compare:
AT VI. 214–216.) 1 The same manuscript can be found in the HHStA in Vienna (HHStA,
Ung. Akt. Fasc. 1. Konv. D, fol. 96–97.) 2 Only the first third of the letter (Redditum
nobis ... societatem allicere.) is included in Veress’ documentary compilation.
53 28 Exercitus correxi ex: exercitos. We do not know Brodarics’ letter. Few of the breves
of Hadrian VI survived, there is none among these that was sent to Louis II. (For
this piece of data I am indebted to Gábor Nemes.) 5 Tommaso Cajetan De Vio (1468–1534)
Dominican monk, eminent theologian and philosopher, protector of papal primacy. Legate
of Hadrian VI in Hungary in 1523. 6 V. Radu (Radu de la Afumaţi) Voivod of Wallachia,
illegitimate son of Radu cel Mare. Usually his policies were anti-Turkish, and he
had to leave his country several times between 1522–1529. He fled to Transylvania
from the Turks invading his country in April 1523, but with the support of János Szapolyai,
Transylvanian Voivod, he recaptured his throne already in January 1524. When he turned
against the Sultan once again in 1529 his subjects killed him. 7 Vladislav III, supported
by the Turks, was Voivod of Wallachia temporarily three times between 1523–1525. 8 Szendrő
(today: Smederevo, Serbia).
54 19 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 10 June 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol.
4r–5r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 286–288. 1. Finally, success has been achieved
in the matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. Cardinal Pucci fulfilled all
the wishes of Sigismund; nevertheless, Brodarics himself did his utmost for success.
– 2. New envoy of the King of England, Bishop of Bath has arrived. It is not known
yet what suggestions he has regard 39 Sacrorum correxi ex: sacrum ing peace. Supposedly,
the French King’s envoy is also on his way. – 3. He works day and night to obtain
aid to King Louis; he hopes to squeeze out something after the lengthy procrastination.
– 4. Cardinal Soderini is suspected of wanting to induce a riot in Sicily. He has
been locked up in the Saint Angel Castle. Three cardinals investigate the case; no
decision has been made yet. – 5. He says sorry to Sigismund for daring to interfere
in matters that are perhaps beyond his scope, however, he does this for Sigismund
and Hungary. – 6. It is said in Rome that Sigismund advised his cousin to consider
signing peace or at least armistice with the Turks, since he is left on his own by
Christian rulers. Brodarics feels Sigismund could not have given better or more beneficial
advice, since he has been working on obtaining aid to Hungary sideby-side with Francesco
Marsupino, and with the envoy of Archduke Ferdinand, for a whole year now, and received
nothing but empty promises. Neither the Holy Seat nor other rulers can be counted
upon, so Hungary and Poland themselves have to reach agreement with the Turks.
55 1 Lorenzo Pucci (1458–1531), Bishop of Melf, Cardinal from 1513. Offspring of an influential
prelatic family, protonotary apostolic. 2 John Clerk (?–1541), Bishop of Bath. Carried
out diplomatic missions in the service of Cardinal Wolsey several times.
56 3 Cardinal Francesco Soderini, Bishop of Volterra, was arrested on 27 April 1523
for encouraging the French King to occupy Sicily. Soderini was locked up in the Saint
Angel Castle and a legal procedure started. Only the death of Hadrian VI brought it
to an end. He was released after 14 September 1523, what’s more, he was allowed to
participate in the conclave. More on his life: K. J. P. Lowe, Church and Politics
in Renaissance Italy. The Life and Career of Cardinal Francesco Sodarini (1453–1524),
Cambridge, 1993. (Cambridge Studies in Italian History and Culture) 4 Pope Leo X
(1513–1521) 5 glorians maria montisque polliceri coepit: Sallustius: Cat. 23,3,4. Only Sallustius uses this combination of words in classical literature. 6 Francesco
Marsupino, one-time Secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a
permanent Hungarian envoy. 7 Starting with 7 February 1523, Ferdinand had two envoys
in Rome, Pedro de Cordoba (Pedro Salamanca) and Girolamo Balbi. Pedro de Cordoba left
Rome at the end of April, while Balbi stayed until about mid-June. Since Brodarics
speaks about an envoy, it is unclear whom he refers to, but the date of the letter
(10 June) makes Balbi more probable. Brodarics had known him longer anyway. Compare:
Gerhard Rill, Fürst und Hof in Österreich. Von den habsburgischen Teilungsverträgen
bis zur Schlacht Mohács (1521/22 bis 1526). Bd. 1. Außenpolitik und Diplomatie, Wien–Köln–Weimar,
1993, 241.
57 8 9 King English King Henry VIII (1509–1547). of Portugal John III (1521–1557).
58 20 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [July 1523] Manuscript used: BJ 6556
fol. 74v–75r.1 1. Brodarics is thanked for his help so far regarding the matters of the bishoprics
of Płock and Przemiśl. Following Brodarics’ advice, he uses a softer tone in writing
to the Pope, even though he already displayed more self-control than what was suggested
by his subjects in a matter in which his country and his adherents are wronged. –
2. Brodarics is asked to settle matters of the two bishoprics without further delay
or difficulties; benefices of the Canon of Cracow should be sent to Opaliński.
59 9 Postulamus: Postulavimus BCzart TN 35
60 manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 747. See the previous letter of Brodarics. A letter
by Andrzej Krzycki indicates that the letters from Rome arrived in Cracow on 7 July
1523. (Compare: AT. VI. 294.) 3 In his letter to Papal Nuncio Thomas Crnić (Negri),
Hadrian VI remarked that Sigismund uses quite rough language in his letters. (Compare:
AT VI. 223.) 4 Sebastian (Opalencki) Opaliński (around 1485–1538), Canon of Cracow,
later Custos of Poznań, Royal Secretary. Sigismund informed Bishop of Przemiśl Rafał
Leszczyński already in October 1522 that he is supposed to give up his prebend as
Canon of Cracow simultaneously with his appointment to the Płock bishopric, so that
the King can decide about it freely. (Compare: AT VI. 132–133.) 2
62 21 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai1 Rome, 18 August 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 82611 Published: Lukcsics Pál, XVI.
századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények, 1930, 222–223. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor, Magyar humanisták levelei
XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 559. 1. Várdai is informed that Archdean and Hungarian
confessor in Rome János Lászai has been buried. Brodarics wants to recommend Imre
Kálnai for the position to the Pope. He requests Várdai’s support so that the position
does not fall into the hands of foreigners. – 2. He assumes, Várdai has learnt about
the pact among Christian rulers reached on 5 August, which is favourable to Hungary.
63 1 Ferenc Várdai (around 1460–1524), Bishop of Transylvania. His acquaintance with
Brodarics undoubtedly began in Padua where they studied at the same time enjoying
the benefices of prebend. Vladis laus II ordered in 1500 (see MOL DL 82165, 82166,
82167, 82200) that Vitus Roznár, as a foreigner, be deprived of his benefices as Custos
of Gyulafehérvár, and those were given to Várday. (Compare: Hermann Zsuzsanna, Egy
humanista karrierje (Balbi Jeromos), Az Egyetemi Könyvtár vkönyvei, Budapest, 1964,
228.) Several of Várday’s letters written in Italy between March 1500 and April 1504
survived. (His letter on 10 April 1501 was published by Pál Lukcsics: XVI. századi
magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények, 1930, 222. His other letters are kept in the MOL: Padua, 20 March 1500.
DL 82163; 19 January 1503. DL 82195; and 21 January DL 82196; Bologna, 23 July 1503.
DL 82199; Venice, 3 September 1503 DL 82201; Bologna, 20 April 1504. DL 82207.) After
his return home, he is Royal Secretary first, then Treasurer, later Bishop of Vác,
then of Transylvania. Compare: Borsa Gedeon, Bornemisza Pál megemlékezése Várdai Ferencről
és a többi Mohács előtti bolognai, magyar vonatkozású nyomtatvány. Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények, 1983, 48–58. 2 János Lászai (Lazo, 1448?–Rome, 17 August 1523), Humanist,
poet, member of the Gyulafehérvár chapter, Archdean of Telegd. He had a chapel built
in the Gyulafehérvár cathedral in Renaissance style in 1512. Hungarian confessor of
the St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome from 1517 until his death. More on Lászai: V. Kovács
Sándor, Egy epigrammaköltő a Jagell-korban = Eszmetörténet és régi magyar irodalom.
Tanul mányok, Budapest, 1987, 396–427. 3 Imre Kálnai (1493?–1544), Humanist. He finished
his lower school between 1505–1510 in Várad, together with Miklós Oláh. He earned
Magister degree in Bologna. Royal secretary in 1525–26, member of Jakab Piso’s circle.
Withdraws from politics after Mohács, but remains adherent of King John. More on his
l m life: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti
Köze é nyek, 1970, 661–667.
65 22 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [September 1523]1 Manuscript used: BJ
6556 fol. 76r.2 1. Doctor Lucas has returned from Rome and reported about Brodarics’ diligence in
the case of the Płock bishopric. Brodarics can therefore count on the King’s gratitude.
– 2. He holds grudges for the matter has not been settled yet because of the increased
sum of annata, even though this sum was designated for fight against the infidels.
Thus, leaving it with the country would be more appropriate than increasing it and
thereby ransack the country. – 3. Brodarics should intervene for a discussion of the
letter by Bishop of Płock and for renunciation of an increase of annata. 4 Kálnai,
with Brodarics’ assistance, filed an application to Hadrian VI to earn archdeanship
of Telegd right after the death of Lászai. He got it. More recently on Brodarics’
role in the appointment of Kálnai using numerous sources in archives in Rome: Lakatos
Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok
a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 411–431. 5 Várdai
had to be familiar with the way such benefices were awarded because 10 years earlier
he got bishopric of Transylvania essentially after a foreign beneficiary, elected
Bishop of Bordeaux Johannes de Fuxo. See Lukcsics Pál, A gróf Zichy-család okmánytára
XII., Budapest, 1931, 368.
66 1 The letter mentions neither the death of Hadrian VI (14 September) nor the following
conclave (1 October–19 November), so presumably it was written before the Pope’s death.
2 Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 749–750.
67 23 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 22 October 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5.
fol. 24r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 326–327. 1. A new Pope has not been elected
yet, even though the Cardinals have been in conclave since 1 October. Some suspect
that they are waiting for the outcomeof the case of the French at Milan, so the election
process may last for several further months. – 2. Sigismund’s letter on the Płock
annata has been received. However, as long as there is no new Pope nothing can be
done. He hopes Sigismund can reach an agreement at least with his cousin King Louis
so that money allotted for the defence of Christianity gets to the proper place. –
3. The French are near Milan but suffer more damage than they cause. According to
the Milan envoy they will soon withdraw since the French King is in the grip of a
Spanish-English-German alliance.
68 4 post te BCzart TN 35: a add. 5 hoc: haec BCzart TN 35 5 per correxi ex: pro, pro:
per BCzart TN 35
69 3 apud factum in marg.: post mortem Adriani eadem manu add. Hadrian VI died on 14
September 1523. French troops started the siege of Milan on 24 September 1523, and
although they maintained a blockade the whole winter, they did not succeed in capturing
it. On hearing about the approaching rescue army they had to retreat. 3 See the previous
letter. 4 Louis II, Hungarian King (1516–1526). 5 I have found no data about the
identity of the Milan envoy. 6 Duke Charles de Bourbon, an eminent commander in chief
of Francis I fell out with the French ruler in 1522 as a result of inheritance issue,
deserted him and sided with Charles V. France was attacked from three directions under
his leadership at the end of 1522: The English landed in Picardia, a Spanish army
besieged Bayonne, a German mercenary army intruded into Champagne under the leadership
of Wilhelm von Fürstenberg. See Rázsó Gyula, A lovagkor csatái, Budapest, 1987, 277.
70 24 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai1 Rome, 16 November 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 826212 Published: Lukcsics Pál, XVI.
századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények, 1930, 223–225. 1. Várdai is informed in detail on the outcome of the
trial about the will of János Lászai and on Várdai’s duties regarding this. He suggests
accepting the agreement offered, since he cannot expect a better deal: the Pauline
Fathers should get their 60 forints that is due, and the 200 forints that Lászai owed
them according to his will. – 2. He asks Várdai to send also the 16 forints that Kálnai
borrowed for the journey home and for which Brodarics vouched. – 3. There is still
no Pope; the French are stationed at Milan; the Emperor is about to intrude in France
from Navarra. – 4. Kálnai is brought into his attention again. Kálnai’s loyalty and
knowledge make him worthy of becoming Archdean of Telegd.
71 On Várdai see the note for Brodarics’ letter on 18 August. The text in the document
is severely damaged at several places. 3 Concerning János Lászai, we only know a
letter from Brodarics to Várdai on 18 August. The conflict concerning the will is
not mentioned in that one, so here Brodarics is referring to two lost letters. 4
Imre Kálnai. About him also see the notes for the letter on 18 August 1523. 5 Cardinal
Giulio de Medici, cousin of the previous Medici Pope, Leo X. 6 After the death of
Hadrian VI the conclave gathered on 1 October. Exactly the above mentioned Giulio
de’ Medici was elected Pope on 19 November, three days after this letter was written.
7 János Lászai was buried in Santo Stefano Rotondo located on Monte Celio in Rome.
Pope Nicholas V had donated it with the monastery next to it to the Pauline Fathers
in 1454. Lászai’s tomb still can be seen in Santo Stefano Rotondo.
72 28 post est: pecunia del. suprascr. rerum 8 The new Pope Clement VII was elected
3 days later, on 19 November.
74 This means that the afterword, too, was written before 19 November. did not support
appointment of Kálnai in spite of the recommendation of Brodarics and the Pope’s decree,
so the young Humanist could receive the income coming from the archdeanship only two
years later, when the bishop was János Gosztonyi. Compare: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista
a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1970, 663. 10 Várdai
75 25 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 11 December 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5.
fol. 40r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 345–346. 1. He believes, he can report good
news soon, since the new Pope Clement VII is ready to fulfil all of Sigismund’s wishes.
– 2. There are no new pieces of news; the French are still in Italy; the Pope, partly
due to Brodarics’ prompting, instructed three Cardinals to work on creating peace
among Christian rulers, hopefully with good results.
76 1 His identity is uncertain. He may be Stanisław Sprowa or perhaps Royal Secretary
Stanisław Tarło. Both executed diplomatic tasks several times. 2 Cardinal Giulio
de Medici, cousin of Pope Leo X, was elected Pope after the death of Hadrian VI on
19 November 1523. 3 I have found no further data about the selection of the 3 Cardinals
mentioned. Even though Clement VII sent an envoy to Charles V on 8 December 1523 in
connection with peace, he was not a Cardinal but one of the Pope’ Chamberlains, Bernardino
della Barba. The next peace envoy Cardinal Nikolaus von Schönberg set off for his
round trip through Spain, France, and England only in March 1524. Compare: Ludwig
von Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste IV/2... 179.
77 26 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 15 December 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5.
fol. 41r–v. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 348. 1. Nothing has been achieved concerning
the Płock annata. The annata for Płock have always been 2000 ducats, and if Alexander
VI or any other Pope asked for less on one or two occasions, this does not change
what is due officially. On the other hand there is good news: Tomicki has been appointed
Bishop of Cracow. – 2. The Pope and the Cardinals are equally inclined towards peace.
However, chances are small for this to happen because the French King and his opponents
stubbornly cling to their demands. Sigismund and Louis have to find other ways of
protecting their countries.
78 Brodarics must refer to the previous letter dated 11 December. VI (1492–1503), the
infamous Borgia Pope. 3 See in the previous letter. 4 A reference to the appointment
of Bishop of Poznań Piotr Tomicki as Bishop of Cracow. His inauguration, however,
took place only in 1524. Biographies count his bishopric from this date. 2 Alexander
1
79 27 Louis II to István Brodarics Pozsony, 12 January 1524 Manuscript used: HHStA, Ung.
Akt. Fasc. 1. Konv. D, fol. 57.1 1. The Sultan spreads false rumours about his preparations for a war against Persia
in order to lull Hungary and Europe to sleep, while spy reports and information from
Voivods of Moldova and Wallachia suggest that he wants to attack Hungary in March
in alliance with the Tatars. – 2. Knowing this, Ferdinand also sent an envoy to Rome
to press for the aid. Brodarics should cooperate with the Austrian envoy fully. –
3. The Pope should order Legate Cajetan de Vio to pay the money he has for repairs
of Hungarian border fortresses or the soldiers’ pay before more substantial aid arrives.
– 4. Brodarics receives a copy of the letter by the Vice-Voivod of Transylvania as
well as pieces of news from the Voivods. He can learn all about the Sultan’s plans
from these.
80 Thomas Crnić (Negri). Humanist of Dalmatian origin, Canon of Spalato from 1499, later
Archdean, Secretary of Croatian Ban Péter Beriszló from 1514. Protonotary Apostolic
from 1519, Bishop of Scardona from 1520. The Pope sent him to Poland in January 1523
as his envoy. (Compare: AT VI. 220–222, 222–224, 224–225., and Henricus Damianus Wojtyska
CP, Acta nunciaturae Poloniae Tom. II., Romae, 1992, 137– 147., also by him, Toma
Crnić jedini sloven nuncije u Polskoj, Radovi 21 Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskog
Fakulteta, Zagreb, 1988, 35–44.)
81 1 Photocopy in the MOL DF 276058.
82 9 ignaros correxi ex: ignoras 11 Moldavo correxi ex: Moldano 2 The part between Habemus...invadere
published: Veress Endre (ed.), Akták és levelek Erdély- és Magyarország Moldvával
és Havasalfölddel való viszonyához, Budapest, 1914, 128. 3 Stephen IV (1517–1527),
Voivod of Moldova. 4 Probably refers to V. Radu (Radu de la Afumaţi), who fled to
Hungary in April 1523, away from Turks who invaded Wallachia (see the letter by Louis
II to Brodarics on 1 June 1523). He fought the throne back in January 1524 from his
own brother Radu VI (Radu Baduca) who got the position from the Turks. 5 Austrian
Archduke Ferdinand Habsburg (1522–1564), brother-in-law of Louis II, Hungarian and
Czech King (1526–1564), Holy Roman Emperor (1558–1564). 6 Pope Clement VII. 7 Andreas
da Burgo (dal Borgo) (1467–1533). Comes from a merchant family in Cremona. He was
raised in the court of Ludovico Sforza in Milan and entered the service of Maximilian
Habsburg in 1502. Fulfilled diplomatic tasks until his death. More on his life: Rosemarie
Aulinger, Andrea da Borgo = Contemporaries of Erasmus: a Biographical Register of
the Renaissance and Reformation, Toronto, 1985, 172–173; Rill, Fürst und Hof ...141–150.
8 Cardinal Tommaso Cajetan De Vio, Bishop of Gaeta, was sent to Hungary as a legate
with Baron Burgio in 1523 by Hadrian VI. 9 Pope Hadrian promised aid of 100,000 gold
pieces for the fight against the Turks. He really sent 50,000 by Cardinal Vio.
83 28 István Brodarics to Theodor Vafer1 Rome, 11 February 1524 Manuscript used: MOL, DL 47545 The inheritance of Hungarian
confessor in Rome János Lászai, 147 ducats, should be deposited in the Altoviti bank
according to the wishes of Philippus de Senis and Vincenzo Baldi.
84 Identification is not so simple because Lénárt Barlabási filled the position of Vice-Voivod
in Transylvania from as early as 1501 until his death in 1525. However, Szapolyai
had two Vice-Voivods after his appointment in 1510. In 1524, the other Vice-Voivod
was István Tomori. Compare: Kubinyi András, A Szapolyaiak és familiárisaik (szervitoraik),
Publicationes Universitatis Miskolciensis, Sectio Philosophica, Tom. XIII., Fasciculus
3., Miskolc, 2008, 244–246. 11 János Szapolyai, Count of Szepes, Transylvanian Voivod,
Hungarian King after the death of Louis. 12 The enclosures mentioned by Louis are
unknown. There is no further data on Theodor Vafer, Notary of the Apostolic Chamber.
Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai died on 17 August 1523. Regarding his death
see two letters by Brodarics to Transylvanian Bishop Ferenc Várdai. 13 The banking
house operated by Bindo Altoviti of Florence was a leading bank in contemporary Rome.
More on the banking house and Altoviti: Coriolano Belloni, Un banchiere del rinascimento,
Roma, 1935. 12 11
86 29 István Brodarics to Archduke Ferdinand1 Rome, 29 February 1524 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 276068 1. He informs Ferdinand that
the Count of Cordoba will give a detailed report of the news; even though the tenths
will be collected, there is still little hope [for saving Hungary] if there will be
no peace among Christian rulers. – 2. News came from Spalato, Croatia, to Venice that
the Sanjak-Bey of Bosnia sent major infantry force to besiege Klissa and he will soon
follow with a major force of cavalry. According to news from Constantinople, the Turks
are busy with preparations both on land and water. Pope Clement is trying to bring
food and ammunition to the besieged Klissa, but it is feared that it will arrive late.
87 4 Philippus de Senis (Philip of Siena), a cleric in the papal chamber, Canon of Esztergom.
Pope Leo X made Philippus de Senis director of chapel consecrated to the Virgin Mary
Taken to the Sky in 1513. The chapel belonged to the Esztergom chapter and de Senis
entered a long legal battle against the chapter. Compare: Solymosi László (ed.), Az
esztergomi székeskáptalan jegyzőkönyve (1500–1502, 1507–1527), Budapest, 2002., 22.
Regarding the trial, see the following documents: ASV, Archivum Arcis (AA) Arm. XI,
caps I. Nr 156., 2527., and ASV, Archivum Arcis XI, caps I. Nr 168. 2533., and Theiner
Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863,
601–602. 5 Vincenzo Baldi de Pistoria. Arrived in Hungary as a member of the retinue
of papal legate Cardinal Pietro Isvalies. He soon became Canon of Veszprém, altar
director of the St. John altar, at the same time Vicar of Isvalies who became Bishop
of Veszprém in 1508. Compare: Lakatos Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi
kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt,
Századok, 2010, 423. 1 The text of the letter is on the Internet, in a somewhat different
variant, transcribed by Péter Tóth. http://ephemeris.alcuinus.net/exempla.php 2 We
do not know Ferdinand’s letter.
88 3 Pedro de Cordova visited Rome already in 1522–23 as an envoy of Ferdinand. Compare:
Adolf Wrede (hsgg.), Deutsche Reichstagakten unter Kaiser Karl V. 3. Bd., Gotha, 1901,
862. 4 Andrea Gritti, Doge of Venice (1523–1538). 5 Klissa (today: Klis, Croatia),
important border fortress in Dalmatia. The fortress was besieged from 5 February by
troops of the Bosnian Bey. Compare: Marko Perojević, Petar Kružić kapetan i knez grada
Klisa. Zagreb, 1931, 67. 6 Pope Clement VII. 7 The army of Constable of Zengg Péter
Krusics, carried there on the sea, smashed the Turkish army and liberated the castle
on 10 April. Marko Perojević, Petar Kružić kapetan i knez grada Klisa. Zagreb, 1931,
67–70.
89 30 Louis II to István Brodarics Buda, 8 March 1524 Manuscript used: [Original is lost]1
Published: Georgius Pray, Epistolae procerum regni Hungariae I., Posonii,1806, 177–182.
1. The fall of Ostrovica raised concerns in Rome. It is serious loss indeed, but more
will follow, because the country’s resources are not sufficient to contain the ever
strengthening Turks. – 2. 32,000 forints per year are spent on the borderland in Croatia
only, even in peace time, and upholding Temesvár, Pétervárad, Szörény, and Titel,
not to mention Jajca, costs enormous sums. So loosing Ostrovica is not due to negligence
but to poverty. – 3. He is happy to hear that the Pope launched an investigation into
the abuses around grain sent to Croatia, something that King Louis also called for.
– 4. More favourable news about the situation in Hungary would probably boost the
Pope’s good will, but this is possible only if His Holiness and Christian rulers help
the country with deeds instead of lip service. – 5. He is pleased to hear that Legate
Campeggio has arrive. He will hopefully be successful in combating Lutheran heresy
and in stimulating German reigning princes to fight the Turks. He instructed his envoys
to negotiate with Campeggio as well as Ferdinand. – 6. He is sorry to hear that the
Emperor and the French King are still at war with each other. Archduke Ferdinand is
trying to mediate through Andreas da Burgo; Louis supports him in this. – 7. Louis
has been informed about the peace agreement between Turkey and Persia and about the
Sultan’s plans for attack. Brodarics should therefore do all he can for the papal
aid together with Marsupino and da Burgo. – 8. Even though the Sultan and the Shah
signed peace, if the Pope agrees, it might still be useful to send Hannibal of Cyprus
on a mission to Shah Sophi. – 9. He thanks the Pope for the money, weapons, and food
sent to the Klissa castle with the help of Bishop of Scardona. – 10. Brodarics is
forbidden to return home because of his tight financial situation since the Fuggers
have been instructed to provide him with the needed money.
90 3 O[s]throwyczae correxi ex: Othrowyczo 4 capite del. BAV. Ottob., in marg. captae
alia manu 5 cum: quam BAV Ottob.
91 1 The only known manuscript of the text survives in a codex in the Ottoboniana collection
of the Vatican Library (BAV, Ottob. Lat. N. 2746. 44–46.), so it is, too, a replica,
and is certainly not identical with the one György Pray, who was first to publish
the letter, used. The manuscript in the Vatican is severely damaged, and the defects
often make it senseless, so the basis for the present publication is the text published
by Pray. In spite of this, I indicate all the differences from the manuscript in the
Ottoboniana collection. 2 The castle of Ostrovica (Croatia) was overtaken by the
Turks in September 1523. 3 The Turkish army kept Klissa, the important fortress in
Dalmatia under siege from early February 1524. Finally they did not succeed in capturing
it, because the rescue army of Constable of Zengg Péter Krusics defeated them in April.
92 19 nulla profecto: profecto nulla BAV Ottob. 19 incuria: iniuria BAV Ottob. 10 nullatenus:
nullo modo BAV Ottob. 11 reditus: reddita BAV Ottob. 11 Bosnia: Bozna BAV Ottob. 11 proveniebat:
praeveniebat BAV Ottob. 12 regnum: regium BAV Ottob. in marg. alia manu: regium 13 deferebatur
correxi ex: deferebantur. BAV Ottob.: deferebatur 14 civitatum: civitates BAV Ottob.
4 After 16 solitudinem: solitudines BAV Ottob. 19 amplius: impius BAV Ottob. 22 post
et ms. BAV Ottob. ex add. 22 importari om. BAV Ottob. 22 commeatus: conatus BAV Ottob.
25 velit: volet BAV Ottob. 30 est nobis: nobis est BAV Ottob. 31 percontetur: percontatur
BAV Ottob. 36 post hinc ms. BAV Ottob. ad eum add. 36 regnorum nostrorum: rerum nostrarum
BAV Ottob. the loss of Nándorfehérvár in 1521, Temesvár, Szörény, Pétervárad and Titel
became the key elements in the system of border fortresses on the South. 5 Finally
Burgio returned to Hungary and took measures regarding embezzlement of the corn shipments.
He ordered an inquiry in Zengg in April 1524. Compare: Magyarországi pápai követek
jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001, XCVIII.
93 39 iucundum: iucundam BAV Ottob. 40 tum: cum BAV Ottob. 44 eiusdem: eius BAV Ottob.
47 Turcos: Turcas BAV Ottob. 47 inflammare: inflammari BAV Ottob. 51 acerrimum: acerrime
BAV Ottob. 52 Christianissimum: Christianorum BAV Ottob. 56 amplectendam: amplectere
BAV Ottob. 57 revertitur: convertitur BAV Ottob. 63 Turcos: Turcas BAV Ottob. 63 existimentur:
existimantur BAV Ottob. 64 displicet: displicat BAV Ottob. 16 Clement VII sent Cardinal
Lorenzo Campeggio (1474–1539) to the Nuremberg imperial assembly as his legate. His
mandate included Hungarian matters. 17 Leaders of the Hungarian delegation to the
imperial assembly in Nuremberg were János Gosztonyi and Ambrus Sárkány. 18 Andreas
da Burgo 19 Pope Clement VII. appointed Baron Burgio Nuncio in Hungary on 22 January
1524. The Baron returned to Hungary from Rome. Compare: Magyarországi pápai követek
jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001, XCV. 10 See the previous letter to Ferdinand.
11 Francesco Marsupino
94 69 quod: qui BAV Ottob. 70 post arci ms. BAV Ottob. nostrae add. 72 quod: quae BAV
Ottob. 80 Ludovicum ...accipies in editione Gerorgii Pray om. 12 Hannibal of Cyprus.
Ambassador of King Louis II in the Turkish court in 1523, commander of the papal mercenaries
in the Battle of Mohács, captain of the Italian guards of Szapolyai in the early 1530s.
See Bethlen Farkas, Erdély története I., Budapest, 2000, 23. 13 Thomas Crnić (Negri),
Bishop of Scardona. Concerning him, see the relevant note for the letter dated 15
December 1523. 14 Concerning Klissa, see the previous letter. 15 Ludovicus Horrera
(?). No data has been found about him. Perhaps the form of the name is incorrect.
16 Lorenzo Pucci. 17 The enclosures mentioned did not survive.
95 31 István Brodarics to Archduke Ferdinand1 Rome, 3 May 1524 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 276077 He has learnt about the death of
Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since benefices get rearranged in such cases,
he asks Ferdinand to intercede on his behalf for remembering the absent envoy in Buda
so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks
for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better.
96 9 in marg. alia manu fiat, ut petitur. Scibatur viendum [?] ei
97 1 The letter, apart from some minor changes, is identical to the one sent to Polish
King Sigismund the same day (except that the letter to Ferdinand does not have a postscript.)
Not only the texts are identical but the ductus as well, so Brodarics’ scriptor wrote
the same letter twice and sent both, one to Vienna, the other to Cracow. The only
change he made is in the salutation: to the letters in Cracow it is Maiestas, since
Sigismund was a King, while in the Vienna version it is Serenitas, because Ferdinand
was only an Archduke in 1524. 2 Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári died on 7
April 1524. 3 In the letter to Cracow the word here is nepote because Sigismund was
the uncle of King Louis II while Ferdinand was his brother-in-law. 4 Brodarics had
stayed in Rome since the spring of 1522 as an envoy of Louis II. 5 Johann Schnaidpeck
von Schönkirchen, an envoy of the Emperor, stayed in the Buda castle since the autumn
of 1523. He had huge influence and was the permanent target of attacks from the opposition
of lesser nobility. The part magnificum dominum oratorem suum et is missing from the
Cracow letter, obviously because, unlike Ferdinand, Sigismund did not have an envoy
in Buda. Compare: Kubinyi András, A magyar állam belpolitikai helyzete Mohács előtt
= Rúzsás Lajos – Szakály Ferenc (eds., Mohács. Tanul mányok a mohácsi csata 450. évfordulója
alkalmából. Budapest, 1986, 87–91.
98 32 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 3 May 1524 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol.
100r–v.1 1. He has learnt about the death of Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since
benefices get rearranged in such cases, he asks Ferdinand’ to intercede on his behalf
for remembering the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded
with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the
Hungarian King in Rome better. – 2. There is no news. The Emperor’s army is still
besieging the French at Novara. – 3. He is sending a copy of the letter by Persian
Shah Sophi addressed to the Emperor and Louis II to Sigismund.
99 6 László Szalkai (1475–1526), Bishop of Eger, Chancellor. He got archbishopric of
Esztergom and the attached position of High Chancellor after Szatmári’s death. 7
It seems that Ferdinand fulfilled Brodarics’ request. On the margin of the letter
it is written: fiat, ut petitur. 1 Another manuscript: BK 213 fol. 53–54; BJ 6549
III fol. 129–130; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII, fol. 45–46; BCzart TN 36. fol. 569–570.
100 2 Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári died on 7 April 1524. 3 Louis II was a
younger cousin of King Sigismund. 4 Brodarics had stayed in Rome since the spring
of 1522 as an envoy of Louis II. 5 László Szalkai, Bishop of Eger, Chancellor. He
got archbishopric of Esztergom and the attached position of High Chancellor after
Szatmári’s death. 6 Novara, town in Northern Italy west of Milan. The French army,
having given up on the siege of Milan, retreated this way towards France chased by
the Spanish led by Marquis Pescara.
101 33 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 7 May 1524 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol.
85r.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 20. 1. News came from Constantinople that the Pasha
of Cairo had been executed for revolting against the Sultan; the Pope, who is concerned
that the Turks turn all their forces against Hungary, also confirmed this.; the Pope
therefore does all he can and calls for peace among European rulers and also for sending
aid to Hungary. – 2. The French suffered substantial defeat in Lombardy; nearly 1000
died, several officers were lost or injured. – 3. He asks Sigismund again to intervene
for him with King Louis so that he can obtain some substantial benefice.
102 35 Principem Ferdinandum del. suprascr. dominum meum
103 Persian Shah Ismail Sophi I (1500–1524) was certainly in contact with Louis II in
1523. His envoy, a Maronite monk by the name of Peter of Lebanon, brought a letter
to Louis from the Shah in 1523, in which there is allusion to the Shah’s previous
letters to the Hungarian King. The monk who represented the Shah later spoke at the
imperial assembly in Nuremberg in 1524, and tried to talk the Christian rulers into
cooperation against the Turks. Because of the conflicts between the European powers
nothing would be realised from the Persian alliance that engaged the political public.
By the time Charles V made up his mind in August 1525 and responded to the offer of
Shah Sophi, the latter was dead. More on the issue: Tardy Lajos, Perzsia és a Nyugat
Mohács előtt, Budapest, 1977, 728–735; idem., Régi magyar követjárások Keleten, Budapest,
1983, 81–93. 8 Louis II.
104 1 7 Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 52–53; BOss 177 fol. 40 r–v; Libri Legationum
vol. XXIII, fol. 38–39. 2 Suleyman pensioned off his chief officer Píri Mehmed in
1523 and gave the position to his friend of his youth Ibrahim. He also transferred
Pasha Ahmed one-time second officer to Egypt. Ahmed, feeling put aside, revolted against
Suleyman as soon as he arrived in Cairo and declared himself Sultan. However, the
riot was suppressed and Ahmed was beheaded. Compare: Káldy-Nagy Gyula, Szulejmán,
Budapest, 1974, 58–59., and Matuz József, Az Oszmán Birodalom története, Budapest,
1990, 95.
105 3 Marquis Pescara set a trap for the retreating French troops in the Aosta valley
on 30 April 1524. Only brave resistance of the French rearguard saved the whole French
army from annihilation. Compare: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... 278. 4 Presumably, Brodarics
alludes to the famous French nobleman Pierre de Terrail, commonly known as Bayard,
the “fearless and blameless” knight who lead the rear-guard. Bayard, who was a renowned
figure of the wars in Italy, received a fatal wound at Aosta. More on Bayard’s life:
Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... passim 5 The Chief Commander of the French Army was Count
of Bonnivet Guillaume de Goffier who was indeed seriously wounded in the battle, so
the rest of the army crossed the Alps under the leadership of a much more experienced
commander, Count St. Pol. 6 See the letter by Brodarics on 3 May 1524.
106 34 István Brodarics to Clement VII Vienna, 21 August 1524 Manuscript used: ASV, Principi,
vol. 2. fol. 233r–v, 237v. Published: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta historica
Hungariam sacram illustrantia II., Romae, 1860, 639. 1. King Louis sent him to Vienna
to meet papal legate Campeggio and inform the latter about matters in Hungary and
Bohemia. – 2. He assures the Pope that he and Chancellor Szalkai are both loyal to
him. – 3. The Hungarians like Baron Burgio as if he was not from Sicily but Transylvania.
– 4. Archduke Ferdinand is ready to protect Christianity at the cost of his life.
107 1 Brodarics returned from Rome in July 1524. (Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta
hi torica Hungariam sacram illustrantia II., Romae, 1860, 638.) Louis II. informed
Ferdinand Habsburg on s 14 August 1524 that he had sent Brodarics to Vienna to run
some errands. (“Misimus ad Serenitatem Vestram fidelem nostrum, reverendum Stephanum
doctorem praepositum Quinqueecclesiensem, secretarium nostrum Serenitati Vestrae nomine
nostro nonnulla dicturum. Quam rogamus, velit praefato secretario nostro in dicendis
de nobis plenam fidem adhibere.) One day later, on 15 August, Queen Mary also wrote
to her brother about Brodarics’ mission in Vienna (Rex dominus et maritus noster carissimus
misit ad Serenitatem Vestram hunc fidelem suum et nostrum, venerabilem Stephanum Brodaricum
[...] cui nos quoque commisimus nonnulla Vestrae Serenitati nostro nomine referenda.”)
See MTAKK, Ms 4939, Simancas, bundle 1, and Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése
1508–1538, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 345–346. 2 Papal Legate Cardinal Campeggio stayed
in Hungary and then in Vienna from 18 July 1524. 3 Brodarics probably alludes to
three rulers most affected by the Turks: King of Hungary and Bohemia Louis II, Polish
King Sigismund I, and Austrian Archduke Ferdinand.
109 25 post ut is del. 4 Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai. Compare: Lk, 21,2. 6 Papal Nuncio Baron Antonio Burgio. On his activities in Hungary see: Bartoniek
Emma (ed.), Mohács Magyarországa. Báró Burgio pápai követ jelentései, Budapest, 1926.,
and Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 7 The Papal
Court intervened on behalf of Brodarics already in 1524 to assist in his appointment
to the bishopric. But it did not happen yet, and Brodarics was compensated by a prebend
as Canon of Esztergom. 5
110 35 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Buda, 4 November 1524 Manuscript used: ASF,
Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 152., fol. 9r., 12v. 1. He has received Salviati’s
letter dated 7 October. There is hope for putting an end to the schism in Bohemia;
at least Baron Burgio and Chancellor Szalkai are working on it zealously as can be
seen in de Burgio’s letters. – 2. If peace cannot be created among contentious Christian
rulers, only God knows what awaits Hungary next spring. – 3. He does not yet know
when he returns to Italy but a message was sent via Marsupino the other day. – 4.
Another letter has been sent regarding the matter of the bishopric of Pécs, since
the previous one got lost. Arriving at a decision would be important.
111 Salviati’s letter mentioned is unknown. Renewed negotiations began in 1524 between
Utraquistas – who felt threatened by the Picards (Bohemian Brothers) and the Lutherans
– and Catholics. László Szalkai, Bishop of Eger, later Archbishop of Esztergom took
up the lion’s share of the talks hoping that the Holy Seat would reward his efforts
with appointing him Cardinal. More on this: Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarország a mohácsi
vész előtt, Budapest, 1884, 82–96. 3 Compare: Papal Nuncio Baron Burgio’s report
on 31 October 1524. Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 56–60.
4 Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor László Szalkai. 5 Pope Clement VII.
2 1
113 In fact, Brodarics could leave for Rome in February 1525 only. Giovanni Marsupino,
brother of Francesco Marsupino who worked as an administrator in Rome from 1518. He
worked as an emissary of Szapolyai in Rome in the 1530s. See also the notes for the
letter by Brodarics on 1 September 1522. 8 In theory, the bishopric of Pécs became
vacant in 1522 when György Szatmári became Archbishop of Esztergom, and Louis II could
appoint his successor. It was the King’s former envoy to Venice Fülöp Csulai Móré
who had the prebend of Provost of Eger. In fact, Szatmári kept benefices of the bishopric
until his death on 7 April 1524, so Csulai remained elected (electus) bishop. Papal
confirmation became possible only after the death of Szatmári, and from Brodarics’
letter it seems it did not go smoothly either. That is why Brodarics asked for Salviati’s
intervention. Some data suggest that it was unnecessary because Clement VII produced
the bull that confirmed Csulai’s appointment on 26 October 1524. More on Csulai’s
appointment as Bishop of Pécs: Fedeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe.
Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007, 66–67. 9 Egidius
Zephirus may be identical to the solicitator mentioned by the name of Egyed Római
in a document in the Pannonhalma Abbey dated 10 September 1525. See: Erdélyi László
(ed.), A Pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-rend története III., Nr. 272. 7 6
114 36 István Brodarics to Clement VII Buda, 22 November 1524 Manuscript used: ASV, Principi,
vol. 2. fol. 345r–v. 1. He can present the reasons for his delay to the Pope soon
in person: he was about to leave when Cardinal Campeggio was called to Buda unexpectedly
after Ferdinand’s sudden departure. Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai, who is
ready to act according to the wishes of the papal court, was of great service in this.
– 2. He will report on the situation here after arriving in Rome; he does not want
to burden the Pope with a lengthy letter now; the Pope can learn the essentials from
Archdean Imre. He expresses his gratitude to the papal court and Baron Burgio for
intervening on his behalf; now he is put under even stronger obligation if that is
possible at all.
115 1 Louis II informed the Pope already on 20 October 1524 that Brodarics would be sent
back to Rome. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam
illustrantia, Romae, 1863, 584. 2 Papal legate Cardinal Campeggio stayed in Hungary
and then in Vienna from 18 July 1524. 3 László Szalkai had held the title Archbishop
of Esztergom since May 1524. 4 In fact, Brodarics could leave in February 1525 only.
Louis II dated his letter of commission on 13 February 1525 in Buda. Compare: ASV,
Principi, vol. 3., fol. 36r–v. We have data that show that the treasury paid out 200
forints to Brodarics on 22 February 1525 for travel expenses (compare: Fraknói Vilmos,
II. Lajos számadási könyve, Magyar Történelmi Tár (XXII.), 1877, 85.) 5 This may
refer to Brodarics’ long-time protégé Archdean of Gyulafehérvár Imre Kálnai.
117 37 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Buda, 4 December 1524 Manuscript used: ASF,
Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 152., fol. 68r–v.1 1. Salviati should get 110 Hungarian gold coins of Brodarics’ money given to the
man of Burgio. – 2. Legate Campeggio is expected for Christmas. After Campeggio’s
arrival he himself can set out for Rome. He would regret if he didn’t find Salviati
in Rome.
118 6 The Papal Court attempted to achieve via Baron Burgio the appointment of Brodarics
already in 1524, but they failed due to the resistance of Archbishop Szalkai. Brodarics
was compensated by a prebend as Canon of Esztergom. Louis II., however, made a promise
to the Pope that he would raise Brodarics to Bishop status as soon as possible. Compare:
Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia,
Romae, 1863. 585. The manuscript is damaged at some places. Louis invited Papal Legate
Cardinal Campeggio to Buda in November, and Brodarics’ travel was postponed until
his arrival. See the previous letter on this. 2 King 1
120 38 István Brodarics to Louis II [Buda], [9 December 1524]1 Manuscript used: MOL DL 105435 Brodarics puts forward a request
from István and Ferenc Révay that the King affirm their land purchase agreement with
Ambrus Rwchy, and should the King have any claims regarding the estate in question,
transfer those to the Révay brothers.
121 3 Clement VII wanted to commission Cardinal Salviati (1490–1553) to create peace
between Charles V and Francis I as a legate in Lombardy. The Pope finally appointed
the Cardinal as Legate after the French defeat (24 February 1525), in a very different
situation, only on 5 May 1525. On Salviati’s activities as legate see Brodarics’ letters
to Sigismund I on 17 May 1525 and to Salviati on 20 May 1525. 1 There is no date
on the document, and we only know from a remark of the relator Brodarics that King
Louis sanctioned the request on 9 December 1524. 2 István Révay (?–after 1545), first
Captain in Újlak, then, after Mohács, Captain in Siklós in the service of Péter Perényi.
He enters the service of Ferdinand I in 1528, captain of the royal gun-boats from
November 1527. – Ferenc Révay, (1498–1553), Secretary of Palatine István Báthory,
later Protonotarius (1519–1526). His career rises after Mohács. King Ferdinand appoints
him Personalis first (1527–1542), then Palatine’s governor (1542–1553). Comes of Turóc
county from 1532 until his death. On the Révay family more recently: Pálffy Géza,
Különleges úton a Magyar Királyág arisztokráciájába: a Révay-család a 16. szá zadban,
Történelmi Szemle, 2009, 1–20.
122 39 István Brodarics to Louis II [Buda], [21 February 1525]1 Manuscript used: MOL DL 260226; MOL 2854022 Brodarics presents
to the King a request from István Terjék and Palatine’s Secretary Ferenc Révay regarding
their trial against Ferenc Szántói Botka.
123 19 Concessit ... Brodaryth doctor secretarius manu Broderici 10 Concessit ... Brodericus
secretarius manu Broderici
124 1 There is no date on the document, and we only know from a remark of the relator
Brodarics that King Louis sanctioned the request on 21 February 1525. 2 Both reference
the same manuscript. 3 István Szenterzsébeti Terjék, nobleman from Zala county. His
sister Orsolya is the mother of Tamás Nádasdy, so he is the uncle of the future Palatine.
Student at the Vienna university in 1494. Tenant of the Zalavár abbey with his father
from 1518. Compare: Füssy Tamás, A zalavári apátság története (A pannonhalmi Szent
Benedek-rend története, VII.), Budapest, 1902, 110–114. 4 Ferenc Révay was Secretary
of Palatine István Báthory, later Protonotary (1519–1526). See more on him in the
notes for the previous letter.
125 40 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [April 1525]1 Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 8v. 1. He has heard from Statileo that
Brodarics is in Rome again as an envoy, something which he heard with satisfaction
knowing Brodarics’ loyalty. – 2. He asks Brodarics to keep representing him and his
subjects in their affairs and to keep informing him about developments.
126 1 The letter can be dated based on Statileo’s legation and the return of Brodarics
to Rome. Statileo went to Cracow as an envoy in the spring of 1525 and got an answer
from the Polish King on 12 April (see AT VII. 241). Brodarics left for Rome in late
February 1525. On 5 March he was still in Pécs (he got a letter of commission from
Bishop Fülöp Csulai Móré then), so the earliest he could reach the Eternal City was
in April. 2 János Statileo (Statilius in Latin form, Statilić in Croatian) (1472–1542),
Provost of Óbuda, later Transylvanian Bishop of János Szapolyai (1528–1542). More
on his life: Sörös Pongrác, Statileo János életéhez, A pannonhalmi szt. benedekrendi
főiskola évkönyve, Pannonhalma, 1916, 3–56., and Domagoj Madunić, Vinko Pribojevic
and the Glory of Slavs, Budapest, 2003, 19.
127 41 János Statileo to István Brodarics Cracow, 12 April 1525 Manuscript used: ASF,
Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 157., fol. 184r.1 Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, made an oath of allegiance
to Polish King Sigismund, and got the land he already had as feud.
128 42 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [April 1525]1 Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 16r–v. 1. He has learnt that the Observant
Franciscans in Rome are trying to procure monasteries of the Conventuals in Bohemia
and Poland, and it seems as if this was the intention of Sigismund too. – 2. He requests
Brodarics to take steps against this, because this is exactly the opposite of what
Sigismund wants who regards Conventuals highly because they are of great help in the
fight against spreading heresy. Their Provincial, Marcus de Torre has a high reputation
all over the country, so his withdrawal would be a serious loss for the Church here.
129 abstract of Statileo’s letter forwarded by Brodarics enclosed to his letter to Cardinal
Salviati on 20 May. 2 It is the war between the Teutonic Order and Poland (1519–21)
which ended with the Knights’ defeat. 3 10 April 1525.
130 1 Date uncertain. Brodarics says in his letter on 17 May that he received several
letters but we cannot be sure that he refers to these two. 1 An
131 43 István Brodarics to Sigismund I1 Rome, 17 May 1525 Manuscript used: BN T. 6. fol. 33r–v.2 1. He received several letters from Sigismund in recent days in which he is requested
to intervene in certain affairs; he is happy to do this. – 2. He thanks for Sigismund’s
intervention on his behalf with Louis II; he strives to repay Sigismund’s goodwill.
– 3. According to Johannes Rudniczki’s report, the King’s request has been in part
fulfilled, in part it will be put forward to the Pope tomorrow by Brodarics and Cardinal
Pucci; Sigismund will be informed about the Pope’s answer promptly. – 4. The Pope
is relentless in his attempts to create peace between the Emperor and the French King;
Cardinal Giovanni Salviati has been ordered to stay with the Emperor as a legate;
Brodarics has been sent with him. – 5. He trusts that peace can be attained; he wrote
a ciphered letter about this to Bishop of Przemiśl Andrzej Krzycki; he trusts this
most of all because of the noble heart of the French King with whom he negotiated
not long ago and has written about it to Sigismund. If it fails there is no other
way of saving Hungary than what he had already written to Sigismund [peace agreement
with the Turks]; he wishes this had been done before losing Belgrade and Szörényvár,
since nobody cares about the Hungarians, they all care only about themselves. – 7.
All kinds of unbelievable things are being written about the German peasants’ war,
but he believes that Sigismund has more information on this than he has; it is also
said that the Turks will not attack Hungary this year but this is consolation only
inasmuch as it gives some respite. – 8. If there is a need for intervention regarding
the Duchy of Bari, he asks Sigismund to let him know; if he happens to be away from
Rome, his fellow envoy Francesco Marsupino or Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci will forward
letters addressed to him.
132 Turri or Marcus de Torre, Franciscan monk born in Venice, Polish provincial. Taught
theology at the Cracow University in 1519. He was confessor of Bona Sforza, so he
had excellent relationship with the Polish court. See also AT V. 242., 253.; AT VI.
268., 306.; AT VII. 63., 83., and Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései...
324.
133 1 The text of the letter is on the Internet, in a somewhat different variant, transcribed
by Péter Tóth. http://ephemeris.alcuinus.net/exempla.php. 2 Further manuscripts:
BK 213fol. 525–527; BJ 6549 fol. 546–548; BCzart TN 37. fol. 259–262. 2 Marcus
134 17 Rwdynczky del., suprascr. alia manu Rudniczki
135 3 Brodarics asked Sigismund several times in May 1524, after György Szatmári ‘s death,
to intervene for him so that he can obtain some substantial benefice, presumably some
bishopric. This means that the Polish court also spoke up for him. Brodarics did not
earn a bishopric at that time but he got the benefice of the Esztergom Canon added
to that of Provost of Pécs, and Louis II. made a promise that he would raise Brodarics
to Bishop status as soon as possible. 4 The church named after the Four Crowned Saints
(Quattuor Sanctorum Coronatorum) was the titular church of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci
(Laurentius Pucius) (1458–1531), Bishop of Melf, later of Alba. 5 Clement VII appointed
Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, Legate with Charles V, on 5 May 1525. His task was, as
Brodarics says, first of all, creating peace between the French and the Spanish Kings
and preparation for the war against the Turks.
136 Krzycki, Bishop of Przemiśl. Brodarics uses cipher in several letters, which is only
partially deciphered so far. 18 Brodarics visited the French King imprisoned by Charles
V after the battle of Pavia (24 February 1525) in the town of Pizzighettone. Unfortunately,
he misjudged Francis’ “noble heart”: he would recall this encounter in his report
on the Battle of Mohács written 2 years later, and reproach the French ruler for promising
help to Hungary against the Turks, something he did not keep. (“[...] regi Gallorum
et illud in memoriam reducit [sc. Louis II], quid sibi in oppido Piczigetone captivus
per oratorem suum [sc. Brodarics] de defendenda Hungaria et de ferendis, si Deus eum
pristinae libertati restituisset, suppetiis promiserit [...]” See Stephanus Brodericus,
De conflictu Hungarorum cum Solymano Turcarum imperatore ad Mohach historia verissima,
Ed. Petrus Kulcsár, Budapest, 1985, 27–28.) 19 We do not have this letter. 10 Brodarics
obviously alludes to peace to be signed with the Turks: the idea to bring the official
state of war with the Turks, that began in 1521, to an end by peace agreement or armistice
was considered several times in the Hungarian court but was rejected every time –
partly under pressure from the Pope. The same considerations were spelled out in a
letter to Sigismund on 10 June 1523, which shows that Brodarics had seen the situation
clearly already then, and, as this letter demonstrates, it did not change much in
2 years. Brodarics’ warnings were heard in the Polish court at least. Sigismund, seeing
the failure in Christian cooperation, signed peace with the Turks on 15 November 1525.
Brodarics, in his first letter addressed to Piotr Tomicki and Andrzej Krzycki (6 September
1526), still expresses regret over the fact that Hungarians did not follow the Polish
example (“O nos nunquam minus prudentes, quam tunc, cum consilia pacis cum Turco Vestris
Dominationibus non suadentibus solum, sed hortantibus ac rogantibus etiam, non suscepimus.”
See the letter by Brodarics on 6 September 1526.) 11 Nándorfehérvár (today: Beograd,
Serbia) was occupied by the Turks on 29 August 1521; Bey of Nándorfehérvár Bali occupied
Szörényvár (today: Turnu-Severin, Romania) in September 1524. 12 Reference to the
German peasants’ war. 13 Brodarics had done services to Sigismund in connection to
the Duchy of Bari before. (More on the case of the Duchy of Bari: AT, VIII. 295–379.)
17 16 Andrzej
138 44 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Rome, 20 May 1525 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte
Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 157., fol. 183r–v, 185v. 1. He had no time to write a
letter since he has arrived to Rome; on the other hand, he hasn’t received any news
from Hungary. – 2. King of Poland made peace with the Grand Master of the Teutonic
Order; more detail in the attached document. – 3. He hopes that Salviati’s mission
for peace is on the right track. The Pope ordered Brodarics to join him for the time
of the talks. – 3. Pietro Antoni Berri of Parma, envoy of Louis II to Salviati, has
arrived in Rome. He asks Salviati to arrange a smaller benefice for Berri in his birthplace.
139 Brodarics left for Rome in late February 1525. The earliest he could reach Rome was
in early April. Sigismund I. 3 Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic
Order, Duke of the secularised Prussian state after conversion to the Evangelical
faith. 4 Albrecht von Brandenburg framed the state of the Teutonic Knights into a
Lutheran secular Grand Duchy. He gave fealty to Polish King Sigismund on 10 April
1525. 5 See Statileo’s letter on 12 April 1525. 2 1
140 28 fuisset del. suprascr. esset
141 János Statileo. Pope Clement VII. 18 Brodarics mentions in a letter to King Sigismund
on 17 May that the Pope ordered him to participate in the peace talks between Salviati
and Charles V. 19 Hungarian and Czech King Louis II. 10 Pietro Antonio Berri of
Parma arrived in Germany with Legate Tomasso Vio, and they went to the court of Louis
II from there. He was appointed Royal Secretary for his services. As such, he visited
Rome as an envoy already before 1525. The two credentials that King Louis and Queen
Mary issued to Berri as their envoy are dated 31 May 1524. See Theiner Augustin, Vetera
monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863, 580–581. 11 Maria
Habsburg (1505–1558), wife of Louis II from 1522. 17 16
142 45 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Rome, 10 June 1525 Manuscript used: ASF,
Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 158., fol. 166r–v; 165r–v. 1. Ha wants to return
Salviati’s good will with deeds rather than words. – 2. Only Salviati’s company makes
the expected hardships of the trip to Spain endurable. – 3. He has not yet received
a letter from Hungary. Salviati can find his news on the attached page.
143 [Attachment to Brodarics’ letter]
144 4 post poterit: quam del.
145 We do not have Salviati’s letter. See the previous letter.
146 3 I.e. a letter dated 25 May 1525.
147 4 The national assembly held between 7–22 May 1525 partly in Buda, partly in Rákosmező.
This, indeed, turned out to be turbulent due to the stepping up of the discontent
lesser nobility. 2 1
148 23 utuntur del. suprascr. scribitur
149 15 Demands of noblemen included allotment of tenths to the maintenance of border
fortresses, but no decision was made due to the protests. It is true that high priests
could not get the tenths due before. Compare: Kubinyi, A magyar állam belpolitikai...
90.
150 16 Imperial envoy Hans Schneidpöck.
151 17 Envoy of Venice Vicenzo Guidoto left Hungary on 25 July 1525 in accordance to
the decree of the national assembly. Compare: Balogh István, Velenczei diplomaták
Magyarországról (1500–1526), Szeged, 1929, LXIX.
152 18 The house of Royal Vice-Treasurer Imre Szerencsés was burned down by the incited
crowd.
153 19 Reference to the legation sent to Buda in May 1525 in connection to the negotiations
between the Utraquistas and the Catholics. Its leaders were Duke Karel Münsterberský,
Lew Zdenko, and Jan Pasek. Louis II. received the legation on 21 May in the presence
of Legate Campeggio and Nuncio Burgio. Compare: Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarország a mohácsi
vész előtt, Budapest, 1884, 92.
154 10 Hungary, the target of campaign of the Sultan in the following year, was not included
in the peace pact between Poland and Turkey signed in November 1525 in spite of Sigismund’s
request. Brodarics regretted this in his letter to Cracow written on 6 September 1526,
after the Mohács defeat. Brodarics, in his letter on 4 July, mentions a letter received
from Sigismund dated 12 June. Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 531–532; BOss 177 fol.
313v–314r; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII. fol. 372; BJ 6557 fol. 105v–106r; BCzart TN
37. fol. 799–800.
156 46 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [12 June 1525]1 Manuscript used: BN T. 28. fol. 143r.2 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 290. 1. He was pleased to hear that Brodarics is also
sent to the Emperor with Salviati. He asks Brodarics to present the case of the Duchy
of Bari to Charles. He was deprived of it without explanation, even though it was
the Emperor himself who put him into its possession. He wrote about it to Cardinal
Salviati as well as to his envoy to the Emperor Johannes Dantiscus. – 2. He also informed
the envoy about how he had reached an agreement with the Grand Master of the Order
and about his peace agreement with the Turks. He asks Brodarics to represent the Polish
point of view in this case too. 5
157 25 adduxerit correxi ex: adduxerunt.
158 See the notes for Brodarics’ letter on 17 May 1525. Johannes Dantiscus (German form:
Johann von Höfen or Johann Flachsbinder, Polish form: Jan Dantyszek), (1485–1548)
humanist, diplomat, Bishop of Kulm, then of Warmia, legate of Sigismund I in the court
of Charles V for long years. Parts of his very precious diplomatic correspondence
have been published in Acta Tomiciana. Preparations for the publication of the whole
correspondence are under way. A sample volume has been published so far which includes
correspondence from the year 1537 (Jerzy Axer–Anna Skolimowska, Corpus epistolarum
Ioannis Dantisci, Part I. Ioannis Dantisci epistulae latinae, Warsaw–Cracow, 2004).
159 5 Centuries-old Polish-Prussian rivalry came to an end when Albrecht von Brandenburg
turned Teutonic Knights into a secular Lutheran state in 1525 and gave fealty to the
Polish ruler on 10 April. See Statileo’s letter on 12 April 1525.
160 6 Sigismund signed peace with the Sultan in November 1525. He refused to send military
aid to his cousin the following year on this pretext. 4 3
161 47 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 4 July 1525 Manuscript used: BN T. 6. fol.
43r–v.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 304–305. 1. He has received Sigismund’s letter dated
12 June. The matter of the Duchy of Bari is going well, he was informed that it was
passed to the representative of Sigismund. Regardless of this, he will do everything
that Sigismund and Bona Sforza commit him to do. Cardinal Salviati will represent
Sigismund in front of the Emperor in the case of the Duchy of Bari following instructions
from Dantiscus. – 2. He does not travel to the Emperor in Spain. He himself does not
know the reason; the Pope says that the relevant letter from King Louis arrived late.
He would have been happy to serve the cause of peace among Christian rulers there
too, and would have worked hard on setting King Francis free as instructed by King
Louis. Such a mission would have been useful for the Polish and the Hungarian causes
alike, because the prestige of the two Kings who carry the burden of war against Turkey
by themselves could have helped reconciliation more than anybody else’s. – 3. The
Pope received Sigismund’s excuses for starting peace negotiations with the Turks and
the Teutonic Order with understanding. He would not be surprised if Louis II acted
likewise. He knows that it is not their fault, since they have been containing enemies
of Christianity for years by themselves, but it is the fault of other rulers who were
impossible to persuade about the necessity of peace among them. – 4. The Pope’s position
on the Knighthood has not changed and whatever he may write after the College of Cardinals,
his intention is the same. Brodarics wishes King Louis followed Sigismund’s example
in the matter of armistice with the Turks because if he does not do this in the hope
of some support, the country’s fall is to be feared. – 5. He has no news on King Francis
being taken to Spain. Hope for peace has not evaporated completely, but has diminished
considerably. Janissaries in Constantinople rose demanding higher pay. Several houses
were ransacked, that of Pasha Ibrahim among them. The Sultan suppressed the revolt
with great difficulties and had to fulfil the demands of the soldiers. King Francis
is said to have arrived in Barcelona on 17 June. 5
162 26 sustineamus correxi ex: sustinemus
163 7 Presumably Sigismund’s response to Brodarics’ letter on 17 May 1525.
164 1 Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 535–539; BOss 177 fol. 297r–299r; BJ 6549 fol.
569–572; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII, fol. 502–505; BCzart TN 37. fol. 343–348. 2
Pope Clement VII. 3 Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci.
165 4 5 Johannes Dantiscus. On him see notes for the previous letter. Paulo Emilio Cesi
(1481–1537), Cardinal of Umbrian origin.
166 6 Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci.
167 50 Reverendissimus dominus Premisliensis habet has notas in marg. eadam manu add.
168 17 multa tamen ... gravissime deliquisse – this is written in cipher in the original.
(I am indebted for decoding the cipher to Hanna Vámos and István Vadai.)
169 18 Albrecht von Brandenburg (1490–1568), Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, brother
of Georg von Brandenburg who played an important role in Hungary. Maximilian I appointed
him Grand Master of the Knights in 1510. As such, he broke the peace pact signed in
Toruń in 1466 and provoked a war with Poland that lasted between 1519–21. This ended
in a heavy defeat for the Knighthood. Later he became Evangelical Lutheran, secularised
estates of the Knighthood, and created a secular state in its place by the name of
Prussian Duchy. In April 1525 he gave fealty to the Polish King. More about this:
Marian Biskup, Das Ende des Deutschordensstaates Preussen im Jahre 1525 = Josef Flenckenstein–Manfred
Hellman (hrsg.), Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, Sigmaringen, 1980, 403–416.
170 19 In the decoded text there is a graphic sign in the middle of the group of characters
decoded as illum illum that is not a letter. We might conclude than that illum illum
stands for the name of Albrecht von Brandenburg.
171 10 The riot of the janissaries, who had been discontent because there had been no
campaigns since the occupation of Rhodos back in 1522, erupted in March 1525 in Istanbul.
Rioters demanded resignation of the Grand Vizier and his house was looted. Suleyman’s
personal bravery played an important part in suppressing the rebellion. Compare: Káldy-Nagy
Gyula, Szulejmán... 62–63.
173 It is not placed with the text of the letter but in a separate volume (BN. T. 28.
fol. 164r). We do not have the slip of paper with the cipher, only the deciphered
text can be read. At the same time, the legate mentioned is definitely Brodarics,
since the reference is to the younger cousin of Sigismund, Louis II, and his envoy
was Brodarics. The fact that this slip of paper belongs to this particular letter
follows from subsequent manuscripts (BK 213 fol. 539; BJ 6549 fol. 572). Another manuscript:
BCzart TN 37. fol. 869.
174 48 Bona Sforza1 to István Brodarics Cracow, 5 July 1525 Manuscript used: BCzart TN 37. fol. 355.2 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 299. Brodarics has been very industrious in the matter
of the Duchy of Bari. Bona Sforza is asking him to help their envoy Johannes Dantiscus
in every possible way. 5
175 7 promoveret correxi ex: promovere. AT: promoveret. 8 assistet ibi: assistat AT 9 auxilium
suum: suum auxilium AT
176 14 die quinta Iulii: V. Iulii AT 15 Ea ... propria om. AT
177 1 Bona Sforza (1494–1557), daughter of Gian Galeazzo Sforza and Isabella of Aragon.
Wife of Polish King Sigismund from 1517. More on her life: Władisław Pociecha, Królowa
Bona (1494–1557) I–IV, Poznań, 1949–1958.
178 2 The manuscript in the Naruszewicz Collection served as the basis of publication.
Since this is a replica from the 18th century, I gave variants of the text published
in volume VII of Acta Tomiciana in the critical apparatus, because that one is based
on a codex from Kórnik from the 16th or 17th century. According to Władisław Pociecha
(Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona ... 545.), this letter has a replica in the Czartoryski
Library, on page 62 of manuscript 3645. However, in the catalogue of manuscripts in
the Czartoryski Library the item with this number contains accounts of a Conventual
Franciscan monastery from the 18th century.
179 3 Bona Sforza also asked Dantiscus in his letter dated 5 July to make moves with
the Emperor in connection to the issue of the Duchy of Bari, and to utilise Brodarics’
help. Compare: AT VII. 297–298.
180 49 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 4 August 1525 Manuscript used: BN T. 6. fol.
58r.1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VII. 318. He has no new information since his last letter.
He has heard that the riot is calming down slowly; Archduke Ferdinand’s troops set
out to rescue Archbishop of Salzburg, who is being besieged by peasants. 5
181 Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 539–540; BJ 6549 fol. 585; BCzart TN 37. fol. 413.
No doubt, Brodarics refers to the peasants’ war that hit South-Germany. 3 Rising
peasants blockaded Archbishop of Salzburg Matthäus Lang (1468–1540) and he had to
flee into the citadel. In fact, troops of the Bavarian princes, not of Ferdinand drove
out the peasant army from Salzburg. 2 1
182 50 István Brodarics to Clement VII Buda, 13 September 1525 Manuscript used: ASV, Principi,
vol. 3. fol. 279r–v. Published: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam
sacram illustrantia II., Romae, 1860, 653–654.; Bessenyei József, Lettere di principi
(1518–1578), Roma–Budapest, 2002, 79–81. 1. He arrived at Buda 21 days after leaving
Rome. He found the King and the Queen on Csepel Island. He passed on the Pope’s message
to them there. – 2. He has not yet received an answer regarding the matter of envoys
to be sent to the Emperor. – 3. He told what the Pope commissioned him to tell to
Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai who has preserved his old influence. – 4. He
will learn about other matters from a letter from Baron Burgio.
183 post maiestatem: nondum del.
184 11 Regarding this see the letter by Louis II to the Pope on 30 September 1525. Compare:
Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Hungariam... 655.
185 12 Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai.
186 13 Brodarics had a letter of recommendation from the Pope addressed to Szalkai. Compare:
Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Hungariam... 651–652.
187 14 István Werbőczy (around 1458–1541), scholar of law, leading figure of the party
of lesser noblemen. He was elected Palatine on 6 July 1525 replaced István Báthori.
He was in office until April 1526. More on his life: Fraknói Vilmos, Werbőczi István
életrajza, Budapest, 1899.
188 15 János Szapolyai, Transylvanian Voivod. 16 On this see Burgio’s letter on 11 July
1525 among others. Bartoniek, Mohács Magyarországa... 19–24.
189 17 Quite probably, this refers to the appointment of Brodarics as Chancellor. The
major obstacle was Szalkai himself who did not want to resign and wanted Bishop of
Veszprém Tamás Szalaházy to replace him. Clement VII, in his letter on 8 August 1525,
recommended Brodarics to the position. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta
Hungariam... 651.
190 18 See Burgio’s report on 13 September 1525. Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései
1524–1526. Budapest, 2001, 263–266.
191 19 Since Kristóf Frangepán entered into an argument with Archbishop Szalkai that
ended in violence, King Louis threw him into dungeon. See Burgio’s report on 13 September
1525. Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 264.
192 10 We know from Burgio’s report on 13 September that they planned to go to Slavonia
first and then to Moravia. See Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 264.